VANWianHbT  ORIENTAL  SERIES-VOL.  VIU. 


HISTORICAL  GRAMMAR 


OF  THE 


ANCIENT  PERSIAN  LANGUAGE 


* 


JOHNSON 


\ 


thp:  vanderbilt  oriental  series 

KHITKI)    BY 

Herbekt  Gushing  Tolman  and  James  Henkt  Stevenson 


HISTORICAL  GRAMMAR 


OF  THE 


ANCIENT  PERSIAN  LANGUAGE 


EDWIN  LEE  JOHNSON,  Ph.D. 

N  AUTHOR  OF  INDEX  VBRBORUM  TO   THE 


OLD  PERSIAN  INSCRIPTIONS 


NEW  YORK      :      CINCINNATI      :      CHICAGO 
AMERICAN  BOOK  COMPANY 


Copyright,  1917 

BY 

Edwin  Lee  Johnson 


VIRO  •  DOCTISSIMO" 

STVDII8  •   PERSICIS  •  PRAESTANTISSIMO 

SVO  ■   PRAECEPTORI  •  ATQVE  •  AMICO  • 

HERBERTO  •  CVSHING  •  TOLMAN  • 

HVNC  •  LIBELLVM  ■ 

D  •  D  •  D' 

AVCTOR 


SS3G299 


PREFACE. 

The  work  done  in  Ancient  Persian  dnring  the 
]iast  twenty  years  by  snch  scholars  as  King  and 
Thompson,  Bartholoniae,  Weissbach,  Jackson,  and 
Tolman  has  rendered  the  earlier  grannnars  of  the 
langnage  of  little  valne  for  present  day  stndy.  To  a 
carefnl  reexamination  of  the  inscriptions,  with  a 
consequent  revision  of  readings,  there  has  been  add- 
ed a  determination  of  forms  and  of  interpretation 
through  comparative  study  of  the  languages  of  the 
Iranian  group.  This  volume  is  accordingly  designed 
to  serve  a  twofold  purpose :  to  present  in  systematic 
arrangement  the  results  of  the  most  recent  as  well 
as  the  earlier  investigation  in  this  field,  and  to  show 
by  comparative  examples  the  development  of  the 
Ancient  Persian  from  the  parent  speech  and  its  re- 
lation to  the  other  languages  of  the  family,  particu- 
larly the  Sanskrit  and  the  Avestan. 

While  this  work  was  in  preparation  Prof.  A.  Meil- 
let  published  his  Grammaire  dti  Tieu.r  Perse,  an  ex- 
cellent presentation  of  both  the  inflectional  forms 
and  the  syntax  of  the  langmige.  But  T  believe  there 
may  still  be  a  place  for  a  grammar  the  distinctive 
feature  of  which  is  the  historical  treatment  of  the 
subject. 

Chapter  II.  serves  in  a  measure  as  a  bibliography, 
lu  addition  to  the  books  mentioned  there,  I  must 
acknowledge  my  indebtedness  to  Thumb's  Handburh 
(ies  t^anakrit,  Reichelt's  Airestisehes  EJementarhnch, 

(V) 


vi  Preface. 

Wright's  Comparative  Grammar  of  the  Greek  Lan- 
yuaye,  aud  most  of  all  to  the  work  of  Brugiiiaun. 

In  the  chapters  ou  syutax  where  examples  have 
been  quoted  the  text  of  I'rofessor  Tolman,  in  his 
Ancient  Persian  Lexicon  and  Texts,  has  generally 
been  followed. 

I  am  under  obligations  also  to  other  publications 
of  Professor  Tolman.  But,  far  more  than  this,  I 
must  express  to  him  personally  my  deepest  grati- 
tude, since  I  feel  that  without  his  careful  supervi- 
sion this  work  would  have  been  impossible. 

Edwin  Lee  Johxsox. 

Vandekbilt  IJNivERsrrY,  February  20,  1917. 


CONTENTS. 

Page. 

Chaptek  I.  The  Decipherment  of  the  Inscrip- 
tions,   §§  1-38 1 

Chapter  1 1.  The  Location  and  Publication  of 
THE  Inscriptions,  >;j5  .'{O-.")! 18 

Chapter  III.  Ancient  Persian  Writing,  §§58- 
()(>;  Proninciation,  §§  (57-72 29 

Chapter    IV.   The    Indo-Et'ropean   Languages, 
§§  7;}-S2    37 

Chapter  V.  The  Vowels,  §§  83-131 46 

1.  The  Indo-European  Vowel  System,  5!§83-86. 

2.  Indo-European  Vowels  in  Ancient  Persian,  §§87-114. 

3.  Indo-European  Accent,  §§115-118. 

4.  Vowel  Gradation,  §§119-126. 

5.  Bases,  §§127-131. 

Chapter  VL  The  Consonants,  §§  132-193 67 

1.  The  Indo-European  Consonant  System,  §§132-140. 

2.  a.  Indo-European  Velars  in  Aryan,  §§141-144. 
6.  The  Aryan  Palatal  Law,  §145. 

c.  Aryan  Velars  in  Ancient  Persian,  §§146-149. 

d.  Aryan  Palatalized  Velars  in  Ancient  Persian, 

§§150-152. 

3.  a.  Indo-European  Palatals  in  Aryan,  §§153-156. 
6.  Treatment     in     Ancient     Persian     of     Aryan 

Spirants  Representing  Indo-European  Pala- 
tals, §§157-159. 

4.  0.  Indo-European  Dentals  in  Aryan,  §§160-163. 

&.  Aryan  Dentals  in  Ancient  Persian,  §§164-168. 

5.  o.  Indo-European  Labials  in  Aryan,  §§169-172. 
b.  Aryan  Labials  in  Ancient  Persian,  §§173-175. 

6.  a.  Indo-European  Consonantal  Nasals  in  Aryan, 

§§176-178. 

(Vii) 


viii  Contents. 

6.  Aryan  Nasals  in  Ancient  Persian,  §§179-180. 

7.  a.  Indo-European  Liquids  in  Aryan,  i^§181-182. 

b.  Aryan  Liquids  in  Ancient  Persian,  S§183-184. 

8.  a,  Indo-European  Semivowels  in  Aryan,  §§185-187. 
&.  Aryan  Semivowels  in  Ancient  Persian,  §§188-189. 

9.  a.  Indo-European  Spirants  in  Aryan,  §§190-191. 
?;.  Aryan  Original  Spirants  in  Ancient  Persian, 

§§192-193. 

Chapter  VII.  Sandhi,  §§  194-232 89 

1.  Indo-European  Contraction  of  Vowels,  §§197-198, 

2.  Internal  Combination  in  Indo-European. 
a.  Explosives  and  Spirants,  §§199-203. 

7;.  Nasals,  §204. 

c.  Semivowels,  §§205-206. 

3.  External  Combination  in  Indo-European,  §§207-211. 

4.  Combination  of  Vowels  in  Ancient  Persian,  §§213-214. 

5.  Anaptyxis,  §215. 

6.  Combination  of  Consonants  in  Ancient  Persian, 

§§216-226. 

7.  Permitted  Finals,  §§227-232. 

Chapter  VIII.  Word  Formation,  §§233-241...     99 

1.  Compounds,  §§234-236. 

2.  Ancient  Persian  Suffixes,  §§237-239. 
a.  Primary  Suffixes,  §240. 

6.  Secondary  Suffixes,  §241. 

Chapter  IX.  The  Declension  op  Nouns,  §§  242- 
292    110 

1.  Indo-European  Case-Endings,  §§246-265. 
0.  Masculines  and  Feminines,  §§247-262. 
1).  Neuters,  §§263-265. 

2.  Ancient  Persian  Case-Endings,  §§266-282. 
a.  Masculines  and  Feminines,  §§267-280. 
h.  Neuters,  §§281-282. 

3.  Paradigms  of  Declension: 
0.  Vowel  Stems,  §§283-287. 

h.  Consonant  Stems,  §§288-291. 
c.  Mixed  Declension,  §292. 


Contents.  ix 

Chaptkr  X.  Adjectives,  §5;  lMKUM).") 131 

1.  Declension,  §§293-295. 

2.  Comparison,  §§296-303. 

3.  Numerals,  §§304-305. 

Chapter   XI.    The    Declension   op   I*roxouns, 
§55  30G  353    135 

1.  Personal  Pronouns: 

0.  First  Person,  §§308-320. 
6.  Second  Person,  §§321-330. 

2.  Case-Endings  of  Demonstrative,  Interrogative,  and 

Relative  Pronouns,  §§331-340. 

3.  Ancient  Persian  Demonstratives,  §§341-350. 

4.  Ancient  Persian  Interrogatives,  §351. 

5.  Ancient  Persian  Relatives,  §§352-353. 

Chapter  XTI.  Verbs,  §§  354-513 146 

1.  The  Indo-European  Verb  System,  §§354-360. 

2.  a.  Reduplication  and  Augment  in  Indo-European, 

§§361-362. 
J).  Reduplication  and  Augment  in  Ancient  Persian, 
§§363-364. 

3.  Indo-European  Personal  Endings,  §§365-426. 

a.  Primary  Endings  of  the  Active,  §§367-375. 

b.  Secondary  Endings  of  the  Active,  §§376-384. 

c.  Perfect  Endings  of  the  Active,  §§385-393. 

d.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  Active,  §§394-401. 

e.  Primary  Endings  of  the  Middle,  §§402-410. 

/.    Secondary  Endings  of  the  Middle,  §§411-419. 
g.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  Middle,  §§420-426. 

4.  Personal  Endings  of  the  Ancient  Persian,  §§427-438. 
a.  Primary  Endings  of  the  Active,  §§428-429. 

ft.  Secondary  Endings  of  the  Active,  §§430-432. 
0.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  Active,  §§433-434. 
(/.  Primary  Endings  of  the  Middle,  §435. 
e.  Secondary  Endings  of  the  Middle,  §§436-437. 
/.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  Middle,  §438. 

5.  Paradigms  of  Conjugation,  §§439-444, 


X  Contents, 

6.  The  Indo-European   Present   System — Classifica- 

tion of  Verbs,  §§445-416. 

a.  Unthematic  Verbs,  §§447-452. 

b.  Thematic  Vprbs,  §§453-454. 

c.  Nasal  Stems,  §§455-457. 

d.  Stems  in  Sibilants  and  Explosives,  §§458-460. 

e.  Stems  in  Semivowels  i-yo-,  -cyo-,  -ico-),  §§461- 

463. 

7.  The  Ancient  Persian  Present  System,  §§464-475. 

8.  Derivative  Verbs,  §§476-478. 

9.  Passive  Formations,  §479. 

10.  a.  The  Future,  §§480-484. 
&.  The  Aorist,  §§485-490. 
c.  The  Perfect,  §§491-496. 

11.  a.  The  Subjunctive,  §§497-501. 

b.  The  Optative,  §§502-503. 

c.  The  Injunctive,  §§504-505. 

d.  The  Infinitive,  §§506-509. 

e.  The  Participle,  §§510-513. 

Chapter  XIII.  The  Late  Inscriptions,  §§514, 
515    195 

Chapter  XIV.  Ancient  Persian  Syntax.    The 
Inoun,    §§  510-531 198 

1.  Gender,  §§517-519. 

2.  Number,  §§520-523. 

3.  Case: 

0.  Nominative,  §524. 

b.  Vocative,  §525. 

c.  Accusative,  §526. 

d.  Genitive,  §527. 

e.  Dative-Genitive,  §528. 
/.  Ablative,  §529. 

(7.  Instrumental,  §530. 
7/.  Locative,  §531. 

Chapter  XV.  Syntax  of  the  Vkrb^  §§532-555.  210 
1.  Voice,  §§532,  533. 


Contents.  xi 

2.  Mood:  ^^'"'^ 
a.  Indicative,  §534. 

6,  Subjunctive,  §535. 

c.  Optative,  §536. 

d.  Imperative  and  Injunctive,  §537. 

e.  Infinitive,  §538. 
/.  Participle,  §539. 

3.  Tense: 

a.  Present,  §540. 

b.  Future,  §541. 

c.  Imperfect  and  Aorist,  §§542,  543. 

d.  Perfect,  §544. 

4.  Auxiliary  Verbs,  §545. 

5.  Verbal  Prefixes,  §§546-552. 

6.  Direct  and  Indirect  Quotations,  §§553-555. 

Chapter  XVI.  Uses  op  the  Pronoun^  §§  550-577.  220 

1.  Personal,  §§556-559. 

2.  Demonstrative,  §§560-567. 

3.  Indefinite,  §§568-570. 

4.  Relative,  §§571-573. 

5.  Adverbs  from  Pronominal  Stems,  §§574-577. 

Chapter   XVII.    Negatives,   Connectives,    En- 
clitics,   §§  578-59:? 228 

1.  Negatives,  §§578-581. 

2.  Coordination,  §§582-585. 

3.  Enclitics,  §§586-593. 

Chapter  XVIIT.  Word  Order,  §§  594-012 233 

1.  Nouns  in  Apposition,  §§595-596. 

2.  The  Noun  and  Its  Modifier,  §§597-601. 

3.  Subject,  Complement,  and  Verb,  §§602-606. 

4.  The  Verb  and  Its  Modifier,  §§607-610. 

5.  Position  of  Enclitics,  §611. 

6.  The  Interrupted  Sentence,  §612. 

Chapter  XIX.  The  Ancient  Persian  Months, 
§§  013-015    239 


ABBREVIATIONS. 

Aeol.,  Aeolic. 

Af7.,  Af7an,  Afghan. 

AJP,  American  Journal  of  Philology. 

Anc.  Pers.,  Ancient  Persian. 

Ar.,  Aryan. 

Arm.,  Armenian. 

Art.,  Artaxerxes  (Inscription). 

A.  S.,  Anglo-Saxon. 

Att.,  Attic. 

Av.,  Avesta. 

Aw.  Elem.,  Awestisches  Elementarbuch  (Reichelt). 

Bab.,  Babylonian. 

Bait.,  Baltic. 

Balto-Slav.,  Balto-Slavonic. 

Bh.,  Behistan  (Inscription). 

Boeot.,  Boeotian. 

Bthl.,  Bartholomae. 

Bulg.,  Bulgarian. 

Class.,  Classical. 

Cun.  Sup.,  Cuneiform  Supplement  (Tolman). 

Cypr.,  Cyprian. 

Dar.,  Darius  (Inscription). 

Dor.,  Doric. 

Elam.,  Elamite. 

Elv.,  Elvend  (Inscription). 

Eng.,  English. 

Epir.,  Epirote. 

GAv.,  Gatha-Avesta. 

Germ.,  German. 

Goth.,  Gothic. 

Grk.,  Greek. 

Hom.,  Homeric. 

I.  E.,  Indo-European. 

Ind.  Verb.,  Index  Verborum  (Johnson), 


(xiii) 


xiv  Abbreviations. 

Ir.,  Irish. 

Iran.,  Iranian. 

JA,  Journal  Asiatique. 

JAOS,  Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society. 

JRAS,  Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society. 

Kelt,  Keltic. 

Ker.,  Kerman  (Inscription). 

Kurd.,  Kurdish. 

KVG,  Kurze  Vergleichende  Grammatik  der  indogerman- 
ischen  Sprachen  (Brugmann). 

KZ,  Zeitschrift  fiir  vergleichende  Sprachforschung. 

Lat,  Latin. 

Lesb.,  Lesbian. 

Lex.,  Ancient  Persian  Lexicon  and  Texts  (Tolman). 

Lith.,  Lithuanian. 

Mid,,  Middle. 

NR.,  Nak§-i-Rustam  (Inscription). 

O.,  Old. 

0.  H.  G.,  Old  High  German. 

Osc,  Oscan. 

Oss.,  Ossetish. 

PAPA,  Proceedings  of  the  American  Philological  Associa- 
tion. 

Prim.,  Primitive. 

PSBA,  Proceedings  of  the  Society  of  Biblical  Archaeology. 

Pers.,  Persian,  Persepolis  (Inscription). 

Phi.,  Pahlavi. 

Prakt.,  PrSkrit. 

RA,  Revue  Asiatique. 

Skt.,  Sanskrit. 

Slav.,  Slavonic. 

Sus.,  Susa  (Inscription). 

Ved.,  Veda,  Vedic. 

Xerx.,  Xerxes  (Inscription). 

YAv.,  Younger  Avesta. 

ZA,  Zeitschrift  fiir  Assyriologie. 

ZDMG,  Zeitschrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenlandischen  Gesell- 
schaft. 

ZKM,  Zeitschrift  fiir  die  Kunde  des  Morgenlandes. 


CMAPTER  I. 
The  Dech'hekmem'  of  the  Inscriptions. 

1.  Forty  miles  northeast  of  Sliiraz,  in  South  Cen- 
tral Persia,  is  a  range  of  limestone  hills  before  Avhich 
in  a  semicircular  hollow,  and  yet  a1)ove  the  plain,  is 
a  level  area  extending  fifteen  hundred  feet  in  one  di- 
rection and  eight  hundred  in  another.  This  terrace, 
leveled  oif  and  held  in  front  by  a  retaining  wall, 
forms  a  part  of  the  ancient  city  of  Persepolis,  and 
here  the  Ach^emenidan  kings  built  their  royal  struc- 
tures. The  passing  centuries  have  left  extensive 
ruins  of  these  gi-eat  buildings,  and  columns  and  door- 
posts, portions  of  walls  and  staircases,  with  sculp- 
tured figures  and  bas-reliefs,  still  suggest  to  the  trav- 
eler something  of  the  magnificence  of  the  Palace  of 
Darius  or  the  Palace  and  the  Column  Hall  of  Xerxes. 

2.  In  1320  a  Franciscan  friar  named  Odoric  passed 
through  Persia  on  a  journey  to  Cathay,  and  his  brief 
reference  to  what  he  believed  had  been  "an  huge 
and  mightie  city  in  olde  time"  {antiquitatis  civitas 
magna  fu'd)^  was  the  first  intimation  Europe  had  of 
the  existence  of  such  ruins.  A  hundred  and  fifty 
years  elapsed  before  another  message  came,  this  time 
from  Josophat  Barbaro,  envoy  from  Venice  to  the 
court  of  Uzun  Cassan — a  message  that  added  but  lit- 
tle to  that  of  Odoric  and  in  its  turn  was  forgotten  for 
a  hundred  years  or  more. 

3.  "When  in  1586  Shah  Abbas  had  begun  to  receive 
European  ambassadors,  Philip  III.  of  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal sent  to  him  Antonio  de  Gouvea,  who  wrote  a 

(1) 


2  Decipherment  of  Ixscrii'tioxs.  [3-6 

most  interesting  account  of  his  visit  to  Persepolis. 
With  his  comments  on  the  arrangement  of  doorways, 
paveirieuts,  stairs,  and  columns,  he  says:  "The  in- 
scriptions— which  relate  to  the  foundation  of  the  ed- 
ifice and  no  doubt  also  declare  the  author  of  it — al- 
though they  remain  in  many  parts  very  distinct,  yet 
there  is  none  that  can  read  them,  for  they  are  not  in 
Persian  nor  Arabic  nor  Armenian  nor  Hebrew,  which 
are  the  languages  current  in  those  parts;  and  thus 
all  helps  to  blot  out  the  memory  of  that  which  the 
ambitious  king  hoped  to  make  eternal." 

4.  De  Gotivea  was  followed  by  Don  Garcia  de  Sylva 
y  Figueroa,  who  also  visited  the  ruins  and  from  w  hose 
letter  to  the  Marquess  de  Bedmar  in  1619  we  read  as 
to  the  inscriptions  (according  to  an  English  transla- 
tion of  1625):  "The  Letters  themselves  are  neither 
Chaldean,  nor  Hebrew,  nor  Greeke,  nor  Arabike,  nor 
of  any  other  nation  which  was  ever  found  of  old,  or 
at  this  day  to  be  extant.  They  are  all  thi'ee-cornered, 
but  somewhat  long,  or  such  a  little  Obeliske  as  I  have 
set  in  the  margin  (A);  so  that  in  nothing  do  they 
differ  from  one  another  but  in  their  placing  and  situ- 
ation, yet  so  conformed  that  they  are  wondrous 
plaine,  distinct,  and  perspicuous." 

5.  About  the  same  time  Pietro  della  Valle  was  trav- 
eling in  Persia,  and  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  at  Naples  he 
not  only  described  the  Persepolis  inscriptions,  but — 
what  none  before  him  had  done — copied  a  few  of  the 
characters  as  a  specknen  and  reasoned  from  the  di- 
rection of  the  stroke  of  the  wedges  that  the  language 
must  have  been  read  from  left  to  right. 

6.  Between  1630  and  1680  Thomas  Herbert,  an  Eng- 
lish traveler,  published  saveral  editions  of  an  account 


6-9]  ])i:('iriii:uMK\T  (if   Ixsckii-tiuns.  3 

of  liis  travels  and  (lesciihed  Iho  inscriptions  much  as 
others  hud  done,  commenting  on  their  unlikeness  to 
any  known  language  and  expressing  his  belief  that 
they  were  to  be  read  from  left  to  right.  With  this 
account  he  furnished  a  copy  of  three  lines  of  cunei- 
form characters,  two  lines  from  one  inscription  and 
one  from  another. 

7.  Another  Englishman,  S.  Flower,  Persian  agent 
of  the  East  India  Company,  had  made  copies  of  char- 
acters found  at  Persepolis  and  at  Kaks  i-Rustam  (43) 
near  Persepolis.  These  again,  unfortunately,  did 
not  form  a  complete  inscription,  but  were  taken  at 
random  from  three  languages,  the  Persian,  the  Elam- 
ite,  and  the  Babylonian.  This  account,  published 
after  Flower's  death,  was  criticized  by  Thomas  Hyde, 
professor  of  Hebrew  at  Oxford,  in  his  Illdorla  He- 
Ugioju's  veteru?/h  Persarum^  eoruuKjue  Magoruvi^  pub- 
lished in  1700.  He  expressed  his  regret  that  so  much 
attention  had  been  given  to  signs  which  were  no  lan- 
guage at  all;  in  his  own  words,  "J/*?  autem  juclice 
non  sunt  Literae  iiec  2^0  Literis  intendehantur;  sed 
fuej'Kitt  ftolitis  Or/uftus  caum.'''' 

8.  So  the  discussion  had  gone  on  from  time  to  time 
with  no  real  progress  in  the  study  of  the  strange 
writing.  Such  study  may  be  said  to  have  begun 
with  the  publication  of  a  work  at  Amsterdam  in  1711, 
Voyages  de  Monsieur  le  Chevalier  Chardin,  en  Perse 
et  outres  lleux  de  V  Orient^  in  which  the  author  gave 
the  first  copy  of  a  complete  inscription,  one  from  the 
window  cornice  of  the  Palace  of  Darius,  now  known 
as  Dar.  Pers.  c  (40). 

9.  Engelrecht  Kaempfer,  a  German  phj^sician  and 
oriental  traveler,  followed  with  a  copy  of  the  same 


4:  Dkch'Hermext  of  Inscrittioxs.  [9-12 

short  inscription  which  Chardin  had  copied  and  added 
a  longer  one  entire,  but  this  in  Elamite-Babjlonian, 
not  in  Persian,  and,  raising  the  question  as  to  whether 
the  signs  were  alphabetic,  syllabic,  or  ideographic, 
he  concluded  that  they  were  ideographic. 

10.  A  Dutch  traveler,  Cornells  de  Bruin,  published 
in  1714  two  complete  inscriptions  (Xerx.  Pers.  c  and 
Dar.  Pers.  a)  in  three  languages,  believing  them  to 
be  six  inscriptions;  also  two  others  (Dar.  Pers.  b  and 
Xerx.  Pers.  b)  in  Ancient  Persian  only.  The  trans- 
lation of  his  work  from  Dutch  to  French  ( Yoyages  de 
Corneille  le  Briin  par  la  Muscovie  en  Perse  et  aux 
Indes  Orientales)  four  years  later  gave  it  wide  circu- 
lation. Still  years  passed,  and  practically  nothing 
was  accomplished  toward  decipherment.  Even  the 
discovery  in  1762  of  a  vase  (56)  with  certain  cunei- 
form characters  alongside  hieroglyphics  counted  for 
nothing,  since  the  Rosetta  stone  had  not  yet  revealed 
the  Egyptian  writing  to  the  world. 

11.  A  forward  step  was  taken  with  the  publication 
at  Copenhagen  of  Carsten  Niebuhr's  Beisebeschreihung 
nach  Arabien  und  anderii  iimliegenden  Ldndern 
(177^1837,  3  vols.),  for  it  was  Xiebuhr  who  discov- 
ered that  there  were  three  systems  of  writing,  though 
he  did  not  recogiiize  in  them  three  distinct  languages. 
He  accordingly  divided  the  characters  into  the  three 
classes  and  expressed  his  belief  that  they  were  alpha- 
betic signs,  there  being  forty-two  in  the  first  and 
simplest  class. 

12.  It  remained  for  Olav  Gerhard  Tychsen,  professor 
of  Oriental  Languages  in  the  University  of  Rostock, 
Germany,  to  discover  that  the  inscriptions  copied  by 
Niebuhr  were  really  trilingual  and  to  observe  that 


I2-I5I  1  )i;tII'IIi:R.MF,\T    (»!■'     IXSCKII'TKI.NS.  5 

the  o))lique  wedf^e  oc-funing  at  intervals  was  a  word- 
divider.  He  assigned  the  inscriptions  to  the  period 
of  the  Partliian  dynasty  (B.C.  2^0- A.D.  227),  a  mis- 
take corrected  by  Friedrich  Miinter,  of  Copenhagen, 
who  also  had  independently  recognized  the  word-di- 
vider and  had  ol)served  a  frequently  recurring  com- 
bination of  characters  which  he  thought  must  be  the 
word  for  I'lng. 

13.  In  1762  Anquetil-Duperron,  of  Paris,  returned 
from  a  seven-year  sojourn  in  India,  where  he  had 
made  a  thorough  study  of  IModern  Persian  and  of 
Sanskrit  and  Avestan.  He  brought  with  him  numer- 
ous oriental  manuscripts  and  in  1771  published,  for 
the  first  time  in  Europe,  the  Avesta.  In  this,  there 
was  every  reason  to  believe,  would  be  found  a  vocab- 
ulary and  a  gi'ammar  that  would  throw  much  light 
on  the  decipherment  of  Ancient  Persian.  Much  of 
the  value  of  the  linguistic  material  gathered  by 
Anquetil-Duperron  was  due  to  the  arrangement  and 
presentation  of  it  by  Eugene  Burnouf  (20). 

14.  Furthermore,  the  great  Arabic  scholar  Silvestre 
de  Sacy  some  years  later  succeeded  in  translating  cer- 
tain inscriptions  in  Pahlavi  writing  belonging  to  the 
Sassanian   period    (227-641    A.D.).      Their   regular 

formula,  " -,  the  great  king,  the  king  of  kings, 

the  king  of  Iran  and  Aniran,  son  of ,  the  great 

king,"  etc.,  was  at  least  suggestive  of  what  one 
might  expect  to  find  in  the  older  inscriptions. 

15.  Such  was  the  progress  made  in  the  study  of  the 
cuneiform  writing  when  in  1802  this  work  attracted 
the  attention  and  enlisted  the  service  of  Georg  Fried- 
rich  Grotefend,  of  the  Frankfort  Gymnasium.  From 
the  material  furnished  by  travelers  mentioned  above 


0  DlXirilERMEXT    Ol-     I.NSCIUI'TIOXS.  [15 

he  chose  two  inscriptions  of  what  he  belie\ed  to  be 
Ancient  Persian,  since  ho  was  convinced  of  tlie  tri- 
lingual character  of  the  writing.  Of  these  two — now 
known  as  Darius  Persepolis  a  and  Xerxes  Persepolis 
ea  (=  eh) — he  had  the  copies  that  Niebuhr  had  made. 
(These  inscriptions  are  given  on  the  opposite  page.) 
Each  of  thera  appeared  on  door-posts  and  above  the 
sculptured  figure  of  a  king,  and  Grotefend  believed, 
as  had  Tychsen  and  Miinter,  that  here  should  be 
found  titles  or  names  of  Achaemenidan  rulers.  In 
the  two  inscriptions  he  found  this  frequently  recurring 
combination  of  signs  «]]  T<  TTl  K'-TCI  IT  ]<•- 
sometimes  rejieated  with  several  additional  signs, 

thus:  « IT  T<  TTt  K-KI  Tj  K-TTt  ;:<  TTT  -IIT-  The 

most  natural  meaning  for  such  a  word  was  king,  'and 
for  the  coml)ination  of  shorter  and  longer  form  kijig 
of  kings.  This  word,  moreover,  was  followed  by  an- 
other group  of  characters,  »-]^  I'"*'!  ^I  Jr:,  the  same 
in  both  inscriptions;  and  from  De  Sacy's  translation 
of  the  Sassanian  inscriptions  it  was  easily  inferred 
that  this  meant  great.  And  from  this  same  compari- 
son Grotefend  decided  that  the  group  of  signs  before 
the  word  for  king  must  be  the  king's  name.  This 
name,  if  it  should  be  such,  occurred  again  in  the  second 
inscription  in  a  longer  form,  which  might  be  a  geni- 
tive, and  followed  by  a  word  'Xj  ^Tl  Yj  which,  in  that 
event,  ought  to  mean  so?i.  This  word  occm-red  again 
in  the  fifth  line  of  the  first  inscription  following  what 
might  be  a  name,  but  Avithout  the  word  taken  to  mean 
king.  The  problem  then  was  to  select  three  different 
names  of  rulers,  the  grandfather  not  having  the  title 
of  "  king"  which  was  borne  by  the  son  and  the  grand- 


DllCll'lir.K.Mr.-NT    OK     iNSCKirTlONS. 


^ 


^ 


\-^ 


^IH 


1^ 


^  ¥ 


^    Hi 


i 


5» 


^1^ 


5 


1^ 


ii 


1-- 

s/ 

ii 


::t:: 


^ 


i 


rt 

O 


-Si:, 


1^ 


^ 


Ui 

T 


s/ 


ii 


V  1^ 

ii  r 


ui  ill 


sb 


v^ 


F  Ui 


ii 


i 

■v 
ii 

V 


ii    <^ 


^ 


iii 


^  t: 


1^    i  1^ 


^ 


iU  i. 


I^ 
i^ 


-^^  s  1-  -  ^  lE 
s,  "^  t-  1^  \y- 


[^ 


4> 

04 


■Ki 


;:^      ^    vA*     iv      i*-      ^ 
§      -    ►^       .—      ^      "^ 


tl'- 


ilF  f- 


* N^  i* 

^        ii.  ^ 

^     1^        ^  ^  -/ 

J^    ^"^       ^  ii^  ,  ,►- 

x^f  ^::  ,^  v^  i;; 

I  ^.  C  ^^  ;:!  ^ 

^    5  [ti:    •-  iii  iii*- 

s  ^i^  X  F  ijz 

ill  .^  F  ^^ 


<» 


^  V. 


_     s/ 

:=:    ii 


^ 


'^  u  X  if 


8  DECirHERMEXT    OF     IXSCRII'TIOXS.  [iS'I? 

son.  Grotefend  suspected  that  the  names  were  Hys- 
taspes,  Darius,  and  Xerxes.  Partly  from  the  Hebrew 
pronunciation  of  the  name  of  Darius  as  Daryavesh, 
he  concluded  that  the  seven  signs  of  the  first  name  in 
the  first  of  the  two  inscriptions  might  be  D-A-R-H- 
E-U-SH.  Relying  again  on  the  Hebrew  and  also  on 
the  Avestan  and  observing  the  signs  common  to  the 
two  names,  he  read  the  name  at  the  beginning  of  the 
second  inscription  as  CH-SH-H-A-R-SH-A.  Simi- 
larly, with  some  help  from  the  Avestan,  he  read  the 
third  name  as  G-0-SH-T-A-S-P.  And  thus  he  offered 
the  partial  translation: 

Darixts^  the  mighty  hing^  king  of  kings^     .     .     . 

so)i  of  Jlystaspes.     .     .     . 
2^erxes^  the  onighty  Mng^  king  of  kings^ 

S071  of  Darius  the  king.     .     .     . 

i6.  Other  scholars  were  still  going  on  with  their 
work.  In  1812  J.  P.  Morier  gave  some  account  of  the 
inscriptions  in  his  Journey  through  T'ersia  and  was 
the  fii'st  to  publish  the  Murghab  Inscription  (52). 

17.  A  valuable  work  was  published  in  1822  by  Sir 
Robert  Ker  Porter  entitled  Travels  in  Georgia,  Per- 
sia, Ancient  Bahylonia,  dec,  d:e.  In  his  account  of 
the  sculptures  on  the  Behistan  rock,  described  below 
(39),  he  ventured  the  unique  suggestion  that  here  was 
a  representation  of  the  conquest  of  Israel  by  Shal- 
maneser,  king  of  Assyria  and  the  Medes,  the  ten  fig- 
ures before  the  king  being  leaders  of  the  ten  tribes, 
the  one  with  the  high  cap  a  Levite,  and  the  inscrip- 
tion on  the  garment  of  the  third  standing  figure  rep- 
resenting the  phylacteries  of  the  Jews.  ''What 
these  signs  may  mean,"  he  says,  '*  we  have  no  means 


17-21  I  DlClirilHK.MK.NT    dl'     1  .\S(  lU  1"  TIoNS.  0 

of  explaining  till  the  diligent  researches  of  the  learned 

may  he  aMc  to  decipher  the  arrow-headed  character." 

1 8.  Champollion  was  now  engaged  in  deciphering 
the  Egyptian  hieroglyphics,  and  when  he  and  the 
Abbe  Saint-Martin,  Avho  had  caret  idly  examined  Ch'otc- 
fend's  work,  had  studied  together  the  writing  on  the 
vase  mentioned  above  (lo),  their  transliteration  of  the 
name  of  Xerxes  as  CII-SII-A-R-SH-A,  with  the  same 
name  occurring  in  the  Egyptian,  clearly  indicated 
that  Grotef end's  work  was  not  far  from  correct. 
Saint-Martin  later  (1839)  published  in  the  Memoires 
de  rinstltut  Royal  de  France  his  Xouvellei^  Ohserva- 
tions  sur  les  Inscriptions  de  PersepoUs. 

19.  Here  too  is  to  be  mentioned  the  work  of  the 
Norwegian  scholar,  R.  Rask,  who  was  a])le  to  separate 
the  genitive  plural  ending  of  the  word  meaning  of 
kings,  by  comparison  with  another  w^ord  which,  ac- 
cording to  the  Sassanian  phrase,  should  be  of  lands. 
He  had  also  determined  correctly  the  characters  m  and 
n  (/.  e.,  m"  and  n*  as  they  w^ere  later  shown  to  be). 

20.  Eugene  Burnouf,the  Avestan  grammarian, found 
in  one  of  Kiebuhr's  Naks  i-Rustam  inscriptions  what 
seemed  to  be  a  list  of  countries,  and  from  a  study  of 
this  he  made  out  almost  a  complete  Ancient  Persian 
alphabet.  In  1836  he  published  in  the  Jlemoire  sur 
deux  Insc7'iptio7is  cunelformes  trouv'ees pres  d'^IIama- 
dan  the  Elvend  Inscription  of  Darius  (49),  after  a 
copy  made  by  Fr.  E.  Schultz. 

21.  Christian  Lassen  published  at  about  the  same 
time  the  list  of  geogi-aphical  names  from  the  Naks-i- 
Rustam  inscription,  and  they  proved  to  be  almost  iden- 
tical with  Burnoufs  list,  insomuch  that  his  independ- 
ence has  been  questioned.    Of  greater  importance  was 


10  DlOCII'HEUMEXT  OF    LNSCRIl'TlOXh.  [21-24 

Lassen's  conclusiou  as  to  the  value  of  the  Ancieut  Per- 
sian characters.  From  finding  what  seemed  impossible 
combinations  of  consonants  he  reasoned  that  this  lan- 
guage must  be,  in  part  at  least,  syllabic;  that  the 
sound  of  a,  e.  cj.^  inhered  in  the  consonant  sign  and 
was  written  only  when  initial  or  when  otherwise  sep- 
arate from  a  consonant  sound.  His  work  was  supple- 
mented by  that  of  Jacquet,  of  Paris,  who  determined 
the  characters  c^  and  6".  Both  Jacquet  and  Beer 
reached  the  conclusion  that  i  was  not  distinguished 
from  1,  nor  ii  from  u,  by  separate  signs. 

22.  Claudius  James  Rich,  an  Englishman  who  had 
long  lived  in  Bagdad,  had  copied  in  1811  the  texts  at 
Persepolis,  including  those  which  Kiebuhr  and  others 
had  failed  to  f  m-nish  or  had  given  incomplete.  These 
were  found  among  Rich's  papers  after  his  death  and 
were  published  in  1839  in  i\iQ  ]S\irrative  of  a  Journey 
to  the  Site  ofBahylon  -hi  1811^  and  much  new  material 
was  thus  placed  in  the  hands  of  Lassen. 

23.  Then  followed  the  Danish  traveler,  N.  L.  Wester- 
gaard,  who  visited  the  toml)s  of  the  Persian  kings  at 
Naks-i-Rustam  (43)  and  brought  back  copies  of  the 
gi-eat  upper  inscriptions  of  the  tomb  of  Darius  and 
some  of  the  lower — a  number  of  inscriptions  not 
heretofore  published.  He  not  only  furnished  the  re- 
sults of  his  investigation  to  Lassen,  but  this  work 
called  forth  other  treatises,  among  them  that  of 
Holtzmann,  who  correctly  determined  the  sign  for  j"* 
and  saw  that  iy  and  uv  were  not  ahvays  to  be  read 
iya  and  uva. 

24.  Between  1842  and  1852  Charles  Texier  published 
several  of  the  inscriptions  already  known  (as  Dar. 
Pers.  e,  Xerx.  Pers.  b,  Xerx.  El  v.,  JNIurghab)  in  his 


24-26I  DKfirilKK.MKNT    Ol'     I  NSCUl  I'TlONS.  11 

work  entitled  Description  de  V ArntenU',  la  ]*ersc^  et 
la  Jfesoj)of</mH'. 

25.  But  the  work  of  decipherers  was  uot  yet  re- 
ceived with  the  utmost  faith.  There  was  needed, 
further,  such  work  as  wis  now  beinj^  done  ])y  Major 
(afterward,  Sir)  Henry  C.  Rawlinson,  of  Oxford,  Eng- 
land, who  as  a  boy  had  gone  to  India  in  the  service 
of  the  East  Ind'a  Company  and  there  had  learned 
Modern  P"i'sian  along  with  several  dialects  of  India. 
In  1833  he  went  to  Persia  to  assist  in  the  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  Persian  army,  and  there  his  attention  was 
attracted  by  the  cuneiform  inscriptions  on  the  moun- 
tain of  Elvend  (49),  near  Hamadan  (the  ancient  Ec- 
batana).  Ho  set  to  work  on  these  independently 
(Schultz  had  made  copies  of  them,  and  Burnouf  had 
published  one,  49),  although  his  method  was  much 
the  same  as  that  of  Grotefend.  He  recognized  at 
once  the  trilingual  writing,  copied  the  two  inscrip- 
tions, found  the  characters  much  the  same  in  both,  ex- 
cept in  certain  gi-oups  which  he  inferred  must  be 
proper  names.  He  observed  but  three  of  these  dis- 
tinct gi'oups,  and  their  position  suggested  that  they 
might  be  names  of  a  genealogical  succession.  He 
tried  the  names  Hystaspes,  Darius,  Xerxes,  and 
found  them  satisfactory. 

26.  In  1835  Rawlinson  was  sent  to  Kermanshah, 
and  on  the  way  passed  the  Behistan  mountain,  sixty- 
five  miles  west  of  Hamadan.  This  was  the  beginning 
of  his  study  of  the  gi-eat  inscription  of  Darius  high 
on  the  perpendicular  face  of  the  rock  (39).  At  the 
risk  of  his  life  he  began  to  copy  this  longest  of  the 
inscriptions,  and  two  years  later  he  had  made  copies  of 
about  half  the  coknnns  of  the  Persian  text.     Ha  then 


12  Decipherment  of  Ixscrh'tioxs.         [26-28 

seut  to  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  London  his  trans- 
lation of  the  first  two  paragraphs.  It  was  in  1836,  at 
Teheran,  that  he  first  l^ecanie  acquainted  with  the  re- 
sults of  the  work  of  Grotef  end  and  Saint-Martin  and 
found  that  he  had  gone  even  farther  than  they  in  the 
determination  of  the  alphabet.  In  1838  he  obtained 
Burnouf's  work  on  Avestan  and  the  material  which 
Niebuhr  and  Le  Brun  had  brought  from  Persepolis. 
Settling  in  Bagdad,  he  began  his  study  of  Sanskrit, 
and  just  as  he  was  about  to  publish  the  results  of  his 
Persian  research  he  was  transferred  to  Afghanistan, 
and  not  till  1816  was  the  publication  made.  By  this 
time  he  had  obtained  Westergaard's  new  copies  of  in- 
scriptions at  Persepolis  and  had  himself  made  another 
examination  of  those  at  Behistan.  Of  the  latter  he 
was  able  to  give  a  nearly  complete  translation  in  his 
account  which  appeared  in  the  Journal  of  the  Royal 
Asiatic  Society. 

27.  In  the  Dublin  University  Magazine  of  January, 
1817,  was  an  anonymous  article  with  the  title,  Some 
Passages  of  the  Life  of  King  Darius.  The  author 
ventured  some  criticisms  of  Rawlinson's  readings  and 
translations  and  displayed  a  most  remarkable  ac- 
quaintance with  the  subject  of  the  cuneiform  writing. 
The  unknown  writer  proved  to  be  the  Rev.  Edward 
Hincks,  of  Killyleagh,  Ireland,  and  he  had  done  much 
independent  work  on  the  translation  of  the  Persepol- 
itan  inscriptions. 

28.  In  the  same  year  Theodor  Benfey  published  at 
Leipzig  Die persiscJteii  KelllnscJir/ften  nut  Ucherset- 
zung  und  Glossary  gi\nng  a  transliteration  of  the 
Behistan  inscription  and  comments  along  with  his 
translation.     Furthermore,  of  the  other  inscriptions 


28-30] 


Dkcii'iieumext  of   Ixsckh'tions. 


i;j 


previously  published  he  gave  both  his  own  transla- 
tion and  that  of  Lassen. 

29.  In  1851-52  Eugene  Flandin  and  Pascal  Coste  did 
valuable  work  in  the  publication  of  the  inscriptions — 
some  for  the  tirst  time,  as  Xerx.  Pers.  db,  Art.  Pers. 
b — in  their  Yoyage  en  Perse. 

A  few  years  later  William  Kennet  Loftus,  the  tirst 
to  give  the  text  of  Art.  Sus.  a  and  b,  published  his 
Travels  and  Researches  in  Chaldcea  and  Susiana. 

30.  By  this  time  the  work  of  decipherment  was 
practically  complete;  wath  the  reading  of  the  rare  1* 
by  F.  Oppert  in  1851,  the  entire  syllabary  had  been 
determined.  The  following  summary  will  show  the 
length  of  time  over  which  the  work  extended  and  the 
number  of  scholars  who  contributed  to  its  success: 


Char- 
acter          Determined  hy 

Date 

a             Grotefend 

1802 

i            Saint-Martin 

1832 

u              Grotefend 

1802 

k*              Lassen 

1836 

k"^    Hincks,  Rawlinson 

1846 

x"               Lassen 
g*               Lassen 

1836 
1836 

(kh  Grotefend,  1802 
k  Burnouf) 

g''    Hincks,  Rawlinson 

1846 

c*               Jacquet 
j*            Holtzmann 

1837-8 
1845 

j'             Rawlinson 

1846 

t*                Lassen 
t^         AVindischmann 

1836 
1845 

(t  Grotefend,  1802) 

6"              Jacquet 

1837-8 

Lassen 


1844      (thr**) 


u 


Decii'Iiekmext  of  TxscRirTioxs. 


[30 


unar- 

acter           Detennined  by 

Date 

d'' 

Lassen 

1S36 

d' 

Hincks,  Ravvlinson 

1846 

d" 

Hincks,  Rawlinson 

1846 

P'' 

Lassen 

1836 

(p  Grotefend,  1802) 

f* 

Lassen 

•1836 

(f  Grotefend,  1802) 

b" 

Lassen 

1836 

(b  Burnouf) 

n" 

Lassen 

1836 

(n  Rask,  1821) 

n^ 

Rawlinson 

1816 

m'^ 

Hincks,  Rawlinson 

1816 

(m  Rask,  1821) 

m^ 

Hincks,  Rawlinson 

1816 

m" 

Rawlinson 

1816 

y'' 

Beer 

1837 

(Jacquet  1837-8) 

r'' 

Lassen 

1836 

(r  Grotefend,  1802) 

r" 

Jacqnet 

1837- 

■8 

r^ 

Oppert 

1851 

v'' 

Hincks,  Rawlinson 

1816 

(w  Lassen,  1836) 

v' 

Hincks,  Rawlinson 

1816 

s'' 

Lassen 

1836 

(s  Grotefend,  1802) 

s^ 

Lassen 

1836 

(sch  (Irotefend,  1802) 

z" 

Lassen 

1836 

(z  Burnouf) 

h'' 

Beer,  Jacquet 

1837- 

-8 

Of  the  ideograms,  XS  for  xsaya^iya  belongs  to 
Grotefend,  1802,  DAH  (1  and  2)  and  BUMI  to  Lassen, 
1811;  while  the  one  remaining,  AURAMAZDA,  was 
determined  in  1890  by  B.  T.  Evetts. 

During  the  period  from  1860  till  the  present  time 
the  critical  study  of  the  text  of  the  inscriptions  has 
gone  on,  with  reexamination  of  the  writing  through 
the  help  of  photogi-aphy,  with  consequent  modilica- 
tions  of  translation,  with  the  compilation  of  glossa- 
ries and  indexes  and  the  preparation  of  gi-ammars. 


30-341         ])K("iriii:K.Mi:xT  of   Ixsckh'tkjxs.  15 

A  number  of  the  "works  that  have  ])een  piil)lished  dur- 
ing this  time  are  g^ven  in  the  following  paragi'aphs. 

31.  In  18G2  was  published  the  first  edition  of  Fr. 
Spiegel's  Die  Altpersischeii  KeiUnschvlften^  im 
Grundtexte^  wit  Uebersetzuvg,  Grammatih^  und 
Glosmi\  The  second  edition  appeared  in  1881.  Dur- 
ing this  interval  Oppert  had  furnished  (1869)  the  text 
of  the  Suez  inscriptions  published  in  the  Academy  of 
Inscnptions  and  C.  Kossowicz  had  published  (1872)  a 
sumptuous  edition  of  the  Iin^criptiones  Palaeo-Pers'i- 
cae^  with  printed  cuneiform  text,  transliteration, 
translation,  and  glossary,  based  largely  on  Spiegel's 
edition. 

32.  "With  the  text  a  transliteration  and  translation 
and  a  brief  gi-ammar  were  included  in  a  Guide  to  the 
Old  Persian  Inscriptions^  published  by  H.  C.  Tolman 
in  1893.  In  the  same  year  Weissbach  and  Bang  pub- 
lished their  Pie  AltpcrsiscJ,,  n  Keil inschriften. 

In  1804  appeared  Bartholomae's  Aa'estaspracheuud 
Altpersische  in  Grundriss  der  Iranischen  Philologie^ 
in  1004:  his  AJtiranisches  WorterhucJi^  followed  in 
1906  by  Zura  xUt iranischen   WorterlurJi. 

33.  In  1903  Professor  A.  V.  Williams  Jackson,  of 
Columbia  University,  made  a  reexamination  of  the 
Persian  text  at  Behistan,  and  a  summary  of  his  colla- 
tions of  doubtful  passages  in  the  lower  portions  of 
the  first  four  columns  is  given  in  JAOS,  Vol.  xxiv., 
pp.  77fl',  and  in  his  Persia,  Past  and  Present,  pp. 
186flf.     (New  York,  1906.) 

34.  In  1901  Mr.  L.  W.  King  was  conducting  exca- 
vations at  Kuyunjik  for  the  trustees  of  the  British 
Museum.  He  was  instructed  by  the  trustees  to  make, 
with  the  help  of  Mr.  R.   C.   Thompson,  a  complete 


16  Decipheumext  of  Inscrhtions.         [34-35 

collation  of  the  BehisUm  inscriptions.  They  Avere 
able,  by  climbing  up  a  ravine  around  the  end  of  the 
mountain,  to  reach  a  ledge  two  hundred  feet  above 
the  inscriptions;  from  this  they  suspended  ropes  to 
the  lower  ledge,  and,  climbing  then  from  the  base  of 
the  mountain  to  the  lower  ledge,  they  attached  cradles 
which  could  be  drawn  up  along  the  face  of  the  rock. 
They  thus  made  accurate  measurements  and  succeeded 
in  clearing  up  many  doubtful  readings,  filling  several 
lacunae,  and  also  found  that  certain  signs  that  were 
plain  in  Rawlinson's  time  had  since  disappeared. 
Their  work  was  done  for  the  Elamite  and  Babylonian 
texts,  as  well  as  for  the  Persian,  and  the  results  of  it 
were  published  in  1907  in  The  ScuJptwes  and  Inscrip- 
tions of  Darius  the  Great  on  the  Hock  of  Behistan  in 
Persia. 

These  readings  were  discussed  the  following  year 
by  Professor  Tolman  in  a  work  entitled  The  Behistan. 
Inscription  of  King  Darius  and  by  Arthur  Hoffmann- 
Kutschke  in  two  monographs.  Die  Altpersischen  Keil- 
inschriften  des  Grossh'inigs  Dcirajawausch  des  Ersteti 
am  Berge  Bagistdn  and  Die  Altpersischen  Keiiin- 
schriften  des  GrossMnigs  Darajawausch  des  Ersten 
hei  Behistun. 

35.  In  1908  Professor  Tolman  published  an  Ancient 
Persian  Lexicon  and  Te.rfs,  giving,  with  the  translit- 
erated text,  a  translation  and  a  complete  glossary, 
making  use  of  the  later  readings  as  furnished  by 
Jackson,  by  King  and  Thompson,  and  by  Stolze's 
photographs  of  the  Persepolitan  inscriptions,  and 
other  recent  studies.  This  work  was  followed  in  1910 
by  the  Cuneiform  Supplement  by  the  same  author, 
in  which  he  gave  a  new  autograph  copy  of  the  cunei- 


35-38J         Dech'iiek.mkxt  of  IxscuirTioNs.  17 

form  texts  in  accordance  with  the  later  material  men- 
tioned al)ove.  With  the  Cuneiform  Suppleim^nt  is 
included  a  Brief  lUdorkal  Synopsis  of  the  Ancient 
Persian  language.  To  this  work  also  is  appended  an 
Index  Yerhorum  of  the  Old  Persian  Inscriptions  by 
the  author  of  the  present  work.  The  Index  gives 
also  the  newer  readings  and  the  proposed  emenda- 
tions of  various  scholars. 

36.  The  Aramaic  Papyrus  Fragment  containing 
portions  of  the  Behistan  inscription,  was  published  by 
Sachau  in  1911  {Aramaisrhe  Paj^yrus  und  Ostrala) 
and  was  discussed  by  Tolman  with  reference  to  the 
cruces  of  the  inscriptions  in  PAPA  xlii.  50ff. 

37.  It  was  during  the  same  year  that  Weissbach 
published  his  Pie  Keilinschrifteyi  der  Achdrneniden, 
which  furnishes  a  collation  of  the  Old  Persian, 
Elamite,  and  Babylonian  texts,  arranged  synoptically, 
with  introduction  and  critical  notes.  From  photo- 
graphs and  copies  AVeissbach  has  corrected  certain 
readings  in  Dar.  NRa  (see  43)  and  has  furnished  nu- 
merous lines  in  NRb  and  several  inscriptions  above 
the  national  types  supporting  the  throne  of  Darius 
on  his  grave  relief.  This  later  material  was  published, 
by  him  in  Ahhandlungen  der  KonigUchen  SdcJisichen 
Gesellschaft  der  Wissenf^chaften^  Vol.  xxix. 

38.  In  1915  Professor  A.  Meillet,  of  the  College  de 
France,  published  in  Paris  his  Granmiaire  dn  Yieux 
Perse^  giving  in  full  the  inflectional  forms  of  the  lan- 
guage and  a  discussion  of  their  uses. 


CHAPTER  11. 

The  Location  and  Publication  of  the 
Inscriptions. 

In  the  following  notes  on  the  location  and  publica- 
tion of  the  various  inscriptions  reference  to  the  works 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  paragraphs  is  made,  for 
the  most  part,  by  the  name  of  the  author  only,  as:  Le 
Brun  (de  Bruin)  (lo),  Burnouf  (21),  Flandin  and 
Coste  (29),  Jackson  (33),  King  and  Thompson  (34), 
Kossowicz  (31),  Lassen  (21),  Loftus  (29),  Morier  (16), 
Niebuhr  (11),  Porter  (17),  Rawlinson  (26),  Rich  (22), 
Saint-Martin  (18),  Spiegel  (31),  Texier  (24). 

39.  The  Behistan  Inscription.  On  the  main  caravan 
route  betw^een  Bagdad  and  Teheran,  the  last  peak  of 
the  mountain  range  bounding  the  plain  of  Kerman- 
shah,  is  the  Behistan  Mount.  Its  earliest  known 
name  is  that  given  by  Diodorus  Siculus,  to  (iayC^Tavov 
opo<;;  it  is  now  called  Bisitun.  The  great  rock  rises 
more  than  fifteen  hundred  feet  from  the  plain  below, 
the  lower  part  presenting  a  vertical  surface  on  which, 
at  a  height  of  about  three  hundred  feet,  is  a  sculptured 
panel.  A  relief  on  this  shows  the  figure  of  the  king 
going  forth,  attended  by  his  bowman  and  his  lance 
carrier,  his  right  hand  raised  to  his  god  Ahura  IMazda, 
his  left  resting  his  bow  upon  an  enemy  who  lies  be- 
fore him,  lifting  his  hands  as  a  suppliant.  Standing 
in  a  line,  and  all  bound,  are  nine  captives,  leaders  of 
rel)ellions  against  the  king.  The  figure  of  Ahura 
jSIazda  above  holds  a  wreath  in  the  left  hand  and 
beckons  to  the  king  with  the  right.  Below  these  tig- 
(IS) 


39-40]  PlI5LU'ATI().\    OI'     I-NSCKirriOXS.  10 

iircs  arc  live  columns  of  cunoiforin  Avritlnir  in  tlie 
Ancient  Persian,  ^riving  a  record  of  the  suppression 
of  the  revolts.  On  the  left  of  the  Persian  are  three 
columns  of  the  Elamite  text,  a  translation  t)f  the  fu'st 
four  Persian  columns,  as  is  also  the  single  column  in 
Babylonian  above  the  Elamite.  Four  other  columns 
of  cuneiform  characters  at  the  right  of  the  sculptured 
panel  are  now  so  "weathered  as  to  be  for  the  most 
part  illegible,  only  a  few  Elamite  words  appearing. 

The  Persian  of  the  minor  Behistan  inscriptions  (a- 
k)  appears  aljove  the  carved  figures,  except  b,  which 
is  under  the  figure  of  the  fallen  rebel,  and  e,  which 
is  on  the  lower  part  of  the  dress  of  the  third  stand- 
ing captive.  These  inscriptions  are  also  trilingual, 
with  the  exception  of  a  and  k  where  the  Babylonian 
is  wanting. 

The  Behistan  inscriptions  were  first  published  by 
Rawlinson  JRAS,  Vols,  ix.,  xi.  Copies  will  be 
found  also  in  Kossowicz  11-48,  Spiegel  2—46,  King 
and  Thompson  l-Dl,  Tolman  Lex.  2-35,  Tolman 
Clin.  Suj).  1—17,  "Weissbach  8-79,  Hoffmann-Kutschke 
8-30. 

40.  Darius  Persepolis  a  consists  of  six  lines  over  the 
figure  of  the  king  and  his  attendants,  on  the  door- 
posts of  an  inner  room  of  the  tacara  at  Persepolis. 
These  lines  were  first  published  by  Le  Brun  cxxxii. 
They  are  found  p.lso  in  Kiebuhr,  pi.  24  B,  Saint- 
Martin  JA,  Vol.  ii.,  pi.  2,  and  MemoirfH  de  VAcad- 
emie  des  Inscriptions  12,  2,  137,  Kossowicz  64,  65, 
Spiegel  50  (B),  Tolman  Lex.  36,  Tolman  Cnn.  Sup. 
47,  Weissbach  80. 

Darius  Persepolis  b,  consisting  of  one  line  in  .-Vn- 
cient  Persian  only,  carved  on  the  dress  of  the  king 


20  I*rr.Li('ATi().\  OK   Ixscuii'Tioxs.  [40-41 

in  the  relief  just  mentioned,  is  now  in  the  Cabinet 
des  jMedailles  of  the  Bil)liotheque  Rationale  at  Paris. 
It  was  tirst  published  by  Le  Brun  cxxxiii.  It  is 
found  in  Tolman  Lex.  36,  Tolman  Ciin.  Sup.  47, 
Weissbach  80. 

Darius  Persepolis  c  consists  of  one  long  line  occur- 
ring eighteen  times  on  the  window  cornices  of  the 
same  room.  It  was  first  published  by  Chardin,  later 
by  Ktempf er,  Le  Brun,  Ouseley,  Lassen,  and  Flandin 
and  Coste.  Copies  are  given  in  Kossowicz  119, 
Spiegel  50  (L),  Tolman  Lex.  36,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup. 
47,  Weissbach  80. 

Darius  Persepolis  d.  Of  this  there  are  twenty-four 
lines  in  Ancient  Persian  only  on  the  south  wall  of  the 
platform.  The  corresponding  Elamite  and  Babylo- 
nian are  not  translations  of  the  Persian.  It  was  iii'st 
published  by  Niebuhr,  later  by  Porter,  Texier,  Flan- 
din and  Coste,  and  in  Stolze's  Photographs.  It  oc- 
curs in  Kossowdcz  62,  63,  Spiegel  46-48  (H),  Tolman 
Lex.  36-38,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup).  47-49,  "Weissbach 
80-82. 

Darius  Persepolis  e,  to  the  right  of  Dar.  Pers.  d, 
was  also  lirst  published  by  Niebuhr,  then  by  Porter, 
Texier,  Flandin  and  Coste,  and  in  Stolze's  Photo- 
graphs. It  is  given  in  Kossowicz  63,  64,  Spiegel 
48-50  (I),  Tolman  Lex.  38,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup.  49,  50, 
Weissbach  82. 

41.  Xerxes  Persepolis  a.  The  twenty  lines  of  this 
inscription,  four  times  repeated,  appear  over  the 
winged  bulls  at  the  doorway  of  the  palace  of  Xerxes 
at  Persepolis  and  were  first  published  by  Rich. 
Later  they  were  published  by  Lassen,  after  Wester- 
gaard's  copy,  Ilawlinson,  Flandin  and  Coste,  and  in 


4l]  IMr.l.ICATIOX    OF    I.NSCIUI'TIONS.  21 

Stol/e's  riiotDsraphs.  Copies  are  given  in  Kosso- 
wicz  1)3-9(3,  Spiegrel  r>S  (D),  Tolniun  Le^r.  38-40,  Tol- 
man  Ciin.  Sup.  50-51,  "Weissljach  l(i6-10S. 

Xerxes  Persepolis  b.  These  thirty  lines  in  Ancient 
Persian  only  are  on  the  Avails  of  the  staircase  at  the 
north  side  of  the  Colunni  Hall.  They  were  published 
tii'st  by  Le  Brim  cxxvi.,  then  by  Niebuhr,  Porter, 
Lassen,  Grotefend,  Texier,  Flandin  and  Coste,  and 
in  Stolze's  Photographs.  Copies  will  be  found  in 
Kossowicz  101-103,  Spiegel  62  (A),  Tohnan  Lcx.  40, 
Tolman  Cun.  Sujy.  51-52,  Weissbach  108-110. 

Xerxes  Persepolis  ca  was  also  first  published  by  Le 
Brun  cxxxi.,  later  by  Lassen,  Rich,  Flandin  and 
Coste,  and  in  Stolze's  Photographs.  It  consists  of 
fifteen  lines  on  the  door-posts  at  the  southwest  corner 
of  the  palace  of  Darius.  In  the  form  cb  it  consists  of 
twenty-five  lines  on  the  south  wall  of  the  terrace 
and  was  first  published  by  Rich,  later  by  Flandin  and 
Coste,  and  in  Stolze's  Photographs.  The  inscription 
may  be  found  in  Kossowicz  99-100,  Spiegel  62-64  (Ca 
and  Cb),  Tolman  Lex.  40-42,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup.  52- 

53,  Weissbach  110-112. 

Xerxes  Persepolis  da,  fii'st  published  by  Rich  (then 
by  Flandin  and  Coste  and  in  Stolze's  Photographs) 
consists  of  nineteen  lines  on  pillars  on  the  north  side 
of  the  palace  of  Xerxes.  In  the  form  db  it  appears 
in  twenty-eight  lines  on  the  outer  side  of  the  stairway 
at  the  north  of  the  palace  and  was  first  pul^lished  by 
Flandin  and  Coste,  also  in  Stolze's  Photographs. 
Copies  are  given  in  Kossowicz  97-98,  Spiegel  60-62 
(Ea  and  Eb),  Tolman  Lex.  42,  Tolman  Cuik  Sup.  53- 

54,  Weissbach  112-114. 

Xerxes  Persepolis  ea  and  eb.     These  four  lines,  first 


22  Pluluatiox  of   Ixscuii'Tioxs.  [41-43 

published  l)y  Kiebulir,  are  found  over  the  carved  tio;- 
ure  of  the  king,  with  his  attendants  holding  the  sun- 
shade and  the  fiyflap,  on  the  door-posts  of  the  palace 
of  Xerxes,  ea  on  the  north  side,  eb  on  the  east  side 
of  the  palace.  They  were  published  also  by  Saint- 
Martin  and  Rich.  They  are  given  in  Kossowicz  96, 
Spiegel  60  (G),  Tolman  Le'.v.  42,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup. 
54-.55,  Weissbach  114. 

42.  Artaxerxes  Persepolis  a,  three  times  repeated 
(aa,  ac,  ad),  appears  on  the  north  terrace  wall  of  the 
palace  of  Artaxerxes  III.  It  consists  of  twenty-six 
lines  and  was  first  published  by  Rich,  pi.  xxiii.  In 
the  form  of  Art.  Pers.  b,  in  thirty-iive  lines,  it  is 
found  beside  the  steps  on  the  w^est  side  of  the  palace 
of  Darius  and  was  first  published  by  Flandin  and 
Coste,  Vol.  iii.,  pi.  cxxv.  Copies  are  given  in  Kosso- 
wicz 132-133,  Spiegel  68-70  (P),  Tolman  Lex.  42-44, 
Tolman  Cun.  Sup.  55-56,  Weissbach  128. 

43.  Nine  or  ten  miles  northwest  of  Persepolis,  at 
Naks-i-Rustam  ("Picture  of  Rustam,"  a  mythical 
hero),  on  the  precipitous  south  side  of  the  mountain, 
are  hewn  out  the  tombs  of  four  Achjemenidan  kings. 
These  tombs  have  the  same  form,  each  with  four  pil- 
lars, with  the  entrance  at  the  middle.  Over  this  are 
two  rows  of  figures  upholding  a  platform  on  which 
the  king  stands  before  an  altar,  and  above  is  the  divine 
symbol.  On  one  of  these  tombs  the  following  in- 
scriptions are  found: 

NRa,  at  the  left  of  the  figure  of  the  king,  consists 
of  sixty  lines  and  was  first  published  by  Lassen, 
after  Westergaard's  copy,  given  also  in  Stolze's  Pho- 
tographs. 

NRb  appears  underneath  the  rows  of   figures  be- 


43-44]  I*ri'.LI(ATI().\     OK     I.NSCKirTIONS.  23 

tvveen  the  pillars  at  the  left  of  the  entrance  and  con- 
sists of  sixty  lines.  The  first  nine  of  these  were  first 
published  by  Lassen,  after  Westerguarcrs  copy;  while 
the  first  fifteen  were  pii])lished  by  Kawlinson,  also 
after  AVester<raard,  only  in  transliteration  (later  also 
by  Flandin  and  Coste).  Additional  readings  have 
been  furnished  by  the  work  of  Weissbach,  Die  Keil- 
iiischrtften  am  Grahe  des  D<(rim. 

NRc,  consisting  of  two  lines  over  the  figure  of  the 
spear-bearer  at  the  left  of  the  king;  NRd,  of  two  lines 
under  the  figure  of  the  spear-l)earer  and  over  that  of 
the  bowman;  and  NRe,  one  line,  over  one  of  the  fig- 
ures carrying  the  throne,  were  first  copied  by  Tasker 
and  published  by  Rawliuson. 

Over  the  heads  of  several  other  throne-bearers  are 
inscriptions  which  have  more  recently  been  made  out 
from  copies  by  Babin  and  Houssay  and  are  translated 
by  Weissbach  in  Die  KeiUnschriften  am  Grabe  des 
Darius^  referred  to  by  him  as  NR  I.,  II.,  III.,  IV., 
XV.,  XVL,  XVIL,  XXIX.  (=NRe). 

Copies  of  the  Naks-i-Rustam  inscriptions  are  given 
in  Kossowicz  76-80,  Spiegel  52-58,  Tolman  Lex. 
4J-^8,  Tolman  Cxn.  Sup.  56-61,  Weissbach  86-95, 
also  Weissbach  Die  Ke'dinschriften  am  Grahe  des 
Darius  1-53,  with  plates. 

44.  The  Persian  kings  had  their  winter  home  at 
Susa,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Choaspes,  in  the 
province  of  Susiana.  An  area  of  several  square 
miles  is  now  covered  hj  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  city. 
From  the  excavations  carried  on  here  we  have  sevei*al 
inscriptions. 

Darius  Susa  a  and  b,  the  one  of  five  lines,  the  other 
of  eleven,  both  mutilated,  are  on  two  clay  tablets  now 


24  Prr.LicATiox  of  Ixscrii*tio\s.  L44-47 

in  the  Louvre.  They  were  first  published  by  Dicu- 
lafoy,  and  copies  are  given  in  Tohuan  Lex.  48,  Tol- 
man  Cun.  Sup.  61-62,  Weissbach  98. 

45.  Xerxes  Susa,  in  two  lines  of  three  languages 
around  a  column  base  now  in  the  Louvre,  was  photo- 
gi'aphed  and  published  by  J.  de  Morgan,  Delegation 
en  Perse  i.  90.  The  photograph  is  copied  with  trans- 
literation and  translation  in  Tolman  Lex.  1.  The 
cuneiform  copy  is  given  in  Tolman  Cun.  Suj).  62. 

46.  Artaxerxes  Susa  a,  of  five  lines,  is  on  the  ped- 
estals of  four  columns  of  a  hall  similar  to  the  Column 
Hall  at  Persepolis.  The  inscription  was  first  pub- 
lished by  Loftus,  as  was  also  Art.  Sus.  b,  one  line  on 
a  pedestal  taken  from  another  part  of  the  ruins  and 
brought  to  the  Louvre  by  Dieulafoy.  Art.  Sus.  c,  of 
seven  lines  and  in  Ancient  Persian  only,  is  on  a  stone 
plate  now  in  the  Louvre  and  was  fii'st  published  by 
Dieulafoy. 

Copies  of  these  inscriptions  are  given  in  Kosso- 
wicz  126-127  (except  Art.  Sus.  c),  Tolman  Lex.  48-50, 
Tolman  Oim.  Sup.  62-6-3,  Weissbach  122-124. 

47.  The  Inscriptions  of  Suez,  connn  em  orating  the 
completion  of  the  canal  from  the  Nile  to  the  Red  Sea, 
are  on  a  pillar  found  near  Shaluf  et-Terrabeh,in  Egypt. 
On  one  of  the  two  flat  surfaces  is  a  winged  disc  above, 
while  the  figures  of  two  men  below  hold  between 
them  a  tablet  with  an  inscription  of  the  single  word 
" Darius"  in  Ancient  Persian  only  (Suez  a).  Suez  b, 
of  seven  lines,  occurs  in  Persian  at  the  right  of  the 
figures  mentioned,  in  Elamite  and  Babylonian  at  the 
left.  The  whole  lower  part  is  occupied  by  Suez  c, 
twelve  lines,  in  Ancient  Persian,  Elamite,  and  Baby- 
lonian, though  the  last  is  now  wholly  obliterated. 


47-491  l*i'i{LicATio.\  OF   I.xscKirTioxs.  25 

The  hierooflyphics  on  the  back  side  of  the  pilhir  are 
not  a  translation  of  the  Persian  text. 

These  three  inscriptions  were  first  published  by 
Oppert  in  L'' Academle  des  Inscriptions.  Copies  are 
found  in  Kossowicz  52-53,  Spicorel  50-52  (Sz.  b 
and  Sz.  c  designated  as  SZ  a  and  SZ  b,  respectively; 
Sz.  a  wanting),  J.  Menant  (1887),  Rec.  de  Travaux 
9,  131,  G.  Daressy  ib.  11,  160ff,  Tolman  Lex.  50-52, 
Tolman  Cun.  Sujk  64-65,  Weissbach  102-104. 

48.  Darius  Kerman.  On  tliree  sides  of  a  quadran- 
gular pyramid  of  black  stone  from  the  shrine  of 
Nimat-ullah  at  jSIaghan,  a  village  near  the  city  of 
Kerman,  is  found  this  inscription  of  nine  lines.  It 
was  first  published  by  J.  A.  Gobineau,  Traite  de 
VEcriture  Cuneifornie  i.  323ff.  It  is  also  given  by 
Jackson,  JAOS  27,  193ff,  Tolman  Lex.  52,  Tolman 
Cun.  Suj).  65-66,  Weissbach  104. 

49.  South  of  Hamadan,  on  the  steep  side  of  the 
mountain  of  Elvend,  are  two  niches  with  inscriptions. 
In  the  left  niche,  which  is  somewhat  higher  than  the 
other,  is  the  inscription  Darius  Elvend,  consisting  of 
twenty  lines,  published  first  by  Fr.  E.  Schulz,  then 
by  Burnouf,  by  Flandin  and  Coste  i.,  pi.  26,  Spiegel 
■16  (O),  De  Morgan  Mission  Scientijique  (2),  pi.  Iviii., 
Jackson  Persia.^  170flf,  Kossowicz  49,  Tolman  Lex. 
52,  Tolman  Cun.  Sujk  66,  Weissbach  100. 

In  the  niche  on  the  right  is  the  inscription  Xerxes 
Elvend,  of  twenty  lines,  first  published  by  Burnouf 
after  Schulz's  copy  {Jfemoire  sur  denx  Inscriptions^ 
pi.  4,  and  JA  3,  9,  pi.  vi. ),  later  in  Texier  159, 
Flandin  and  Coste  i.,  pi.  27,  Spiegel  64-66  (F), 
Kossowicz  105,  Tolman  Lex.  52-53,  Tolman  Cun. 
Sup.  67,  Weissbach  116. 


2()  I*ri!LI('ATIO.\    OF    IXSCRIPTIONS.  [50-52 

50.  Xerxes  Van.  In  a  rectano;ular  niche  sixty  feet 
high,  on  the  perpendicular  rock  of  the  citadel  of  Van, 
is  found  this  inscription  of  Xerxes,  consisting  of 
twenty-seven  lines.  It  was  first  published  after 
Schulz's  copy  in  JA  iii.  9,  pi.  2,  and  later  in  Texier 
139,  Spiegel  66  (K),  Kossowicz  109-110,  Lehman 
SitzungsbericJtte  d.  k.  P/'euss.  Academie  d.  TF?.<f.s., 
(1900),  pi.  ii.,  Tolman  Lex.  54,  Tolman  fun.  Sup. 
67-C9,  Weissbach  11*^-118. 

51.  Artaxerxes  Hamadan.  This  inscription  of  seven 
lines  on  fragments  of  two  pedestals  found  in  Hama- 
dan and  now  in  the  British  Museum  was  first  pub- 
lished in  1890  by  B.  T.  Evetts  in  ZA  5,  413flf.  It 
was  described  by  Pinches  (1885)  PSBA  7,  132ff,  and 
by  Tolman  in  the  Reexamination  of  the  Inscription 
of  Artaxerxes  II. ,  PAPA  36,  32.  It  may  be  found  in 
Tolman  Lex.  51,  Tolman  Cnn.  Suj).  69,  Weissbach  126. 

52.  Murghab.  In  the  ruins  of  a  palace  at  Murghab, 
twenty-eight  miles  northeast  of  Persepolis,  is  a  mono- 
lith on  which,  above  the  relief  of  a  winged  figure, 
was  formerly  an  inscription  of  two  lines:  "I  (am)  Cy- 
rus the  king,  the  Achgemenide."  It  is  repeated  on 
three  other  pillars  and  was  formerly  on  one  high 
column,  from  which,  however,  it  has  now  vanished. 
Since  the  name  of  the  father  is  not  given,  some  doubt 
has  arisen  whether  it  is  to  be  assigned  to  Cyrus  the 
Elder,  son  of  Cambyses,  or  C^a-us  the  Younger,  son 
of  Darius  Nothus.  But  the  elder  Cyrus  had  hitherto 
left  only  Bal)ylonian  inscriptions,  and  it  has  been 
thought  improbable  that  he  would  have  adopted  a 
new  language  for  a  single  two-line  inscription.  And 
Darius  seems  to  say  (I>h.  Ij)  that  he  was  the  first  to 
write  an  inscription  in  the  Aryan  language. 


52-54I  I*('i;li('ati().\'  ok   Ixsckh'Tions.  27 

This  inscription  was  first  pultlished  by  Morier  pi. 
29,  Later  it  is  o:i\cu  in  Onscley  Trareh  2,  pi.  49, 
Porter  1,  pi.  13,  Saiut-.Martin  JA  2,  Rich  pi.  12, 
Texier  2,  pi.  84,  Flandin  and  Coste  4,  pi.  199  A- 
E,  Spiegel  2  (M),  DieuUifoy  rArt  Antique  <Je  hi 
Peme  1,  pis.  18  and  14,  Curzon  Permi^  2T0tf, 
Jackson  Persia^  279ff,  Tolman  Lex,  56,  Tolman  Cun. 
Slip,  r.!),  Weissl)ach  126. 

53.  Darius  Seal.  On  one  side  of  a  small  cylinder 
now  in  the  British  Museum  is  this  inscription  of  a 
siug'lo  line,  which  was  first  published  ])y  Grotefend 
in  A^cuc.  Beifr.  .5,  Fig.  ii.  It  has  been  frequenth' 
copied  and  may  be  found  in  Kossowicz  57,  Spiegel 
50  (Na),  Tolman  Lev.  56,  Tolman  Cim.  Sup.  70, 
Weissbach  106. 

54.  Other  Seal  Inscriptions  are  the  following: 

a.  This  inscription,  now  in  the  British  Museum, 
consists  of  eight  lines,  and  was  first  published  by 
Grotefend  in  1850,  ZKM  7,  pi.  5.  It  is  also  given  by 
Layard  Discoveries  2,  607,  Spiegel  70  (R),  Kossowicz 
136,  ]\Ienant  Les  AcMnienides  (1872),  King  Hand- 
hook  of  Engraved  Gems  203,  pi.  v.,  Tolman  Lex. 
56,  Tolman  Cidi.  Sup.  70,  Weissbach  130. 

b.  This  consists  of  three  mutilated  lines  on  a  seal 
formerly  in  the  possession  of  A.'  Raif6  in  Paris.  It 
was  first  published  by  Lenorniflnt  in  his  Ckifalogue 
de  la  CoUection  A.  Baife  69,  later  by  M^nant  153, 
also  Tolman  Lex.  56,  Tolman  Cun.  Siijj.  70,  Weiss- 
bach 130. 

c  and  d.  These  two  inscriptions  of  a  single  word 
each  were  first  published  by  De  Gobineau  in  18T4  in 
RA  (  Nouv.  ser. )  27,  383.  They  are  given  in  Tolman 
Lex.  56,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup.  70,  Weissbach  130. 


28  Publication  of  Inscrii'tions.  [54-56 

e.  This  consists  of  three  lines  on  a  seal  in  the  Mu- 
see  des  Armures^  in  Brussels.  It  was  first  published 
by  M^nant  in  Comptes  Rendus  de  V Acadenne  des  In- 
scriptions (1877)  333ff,  later  by  Justi  in  the  Iran- 
isches  Namenhuch  173.  It  is  copied  in  Tolman  Lex. 
56,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup.  70-71,  Weissbach  130. 

55.  Darius  Weight  Inscription.  These  eight  lines, 
on  a  weight  of  green  basalt  now  in  the  British  Mu- 
seum, were  first  published  in  1888  by  Budge  in  PSBA 
10,  464.  They  are  given  in  Tolman  Lex.  56,  Tolman 
Cnn.  Sup.  71,  Weissbach  104. 

56.  Xerxes  Vase  Inscriptions.  Three  of  these  vases 
are  to  be  noted,  each  presenting  an  inscription  of  a 
single  line: 

a.  In  four  languages  on  the  vase  mentioned  above 
(10),  now  in  the  Cabinet  des  Medailles  of  the  Biblio- 
th^que  Nationale,  in  Paris.  Saint-Martin  was  the  first 
to  publish  this  in  JA,  Vol.  ii.,  pi.  2.  It  was  described 
by  Caylus  and  published  later  by  Grotefend  in  the 
N'eue  Beitriige  z.  erl.^persep.  I^eilinschriften  pi.  2; 
by  Pettigi'ew,  ArchceoJogia  31,  pi.  6. 

b.  The  same  line,  though  mutilated,  on  a  specimen 
in  the  British  Museum,  was  first  published  by  Newton 
History  of  Discoveries  2,  Part  1,  p.  91;  Part  2,  p. 
667ff. 

c.  The  same  line  again  is  found  on  a  vase  now  at 
the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  published  first  by 
A.  T.  Clay  in  the  Museum  Journal  1,  6ff . 

This  inscription  (a,  b,  c)  may  be  found  also  in 
Kossowicz  111,  Spiegel  ^'o  (Qa),  Tolman  L.ex.  56, 
Tolman  Cun.  Sup.  71,  Weissbach  118. 

Fragments  of  similar  vases  w^ere  found  in  Snsa  by 
Loftus  (see  401)ff)  and  by  Dieulafoy  {Acropolis  de 


[56-58  Ancient  Pek.sian  Writing.  29 

/Suse,  435).     See  also  De  Morgan  Delegation  en  Perse 
1,  p.  130,  Tolman  Lex.  68. 

57.  Artaxerxes  Vase  Inscriptions.  On  three  vases 
occurs  the  same  line  with  slight  variations: 

a.  At  Saint  Mark's,  in  Venice,  published  first  by  De 
Longp^rier  RA  2,  446,  given  also  in  Kossowicz  106, 
Spiegel  68  (Qb),  Tolman  Lex.  56,  Tolman  Cun.  Sup. 
71,  Weiss!  )ach  120. 

b.  In  the  museum  in  Philadelphia. 

c.  In  the  museum  in  Berlin. 


CHAPTER  III. 
The  Ancient  Persian  Writing. 

58.  Cuneiform  characters,  as  mere  combinations  of 
straight  lines,  are  well  adapted  for  engi'aving  on  stone, 
but  not  for  general  writing.  The  Ancient  Persian 
exhibits  the  simplest  form  of  cuneiform  script,  hav- 
ing the  fewest  signs  and  the  simplest  combinations 
of  their  elements.  It  was  the  fact  that  the  simplest 
kind  of  w^riting  always  came  first  in  the  trilingual  in- 
scriptions that  led  Grotefend  to  believe  that  this 
must  have  been  the  most  important  and  therefore  the 
language  of  the  Achjemenidan  kings.  The  stroke  is 
always  downward  or  to  the  right — /.  ^.,  the  head  of 
the  wedge  is  always  up  or  to  the  left  and  the  angles 
open  to  the  right.  The  reading  likewise  is  from 
left  to  right. 

There  are  thirty-six  characters  of  syllabic  value,each 
composed  of  from  two  to  five  elements.  In  addition 
to  these  are  four  ideograms  of  five  or  six  elements 
each.    There  are  also  two  word-dividers  and  eisfhteen 


80  A.N'ciENT  I'eksian  Writing.  1 58-59 

numerical  signs.  There  are  three  vowel  signs  in  the 
syllabary,  while  the  remaining  thirty-three  signs  rep- 
resent a  combination  of  a  consonant  with  a  vowel 
sound,  twenty-two  with  a,  four  with  /,  and  seven 
with  v.. 

59.  The  following  are  the  cuneiform  signs: 


SYLI>ABARY. 

'nr  a  a 

-Kr 

T«  f 

-«r« 

"  ii 

^<Bf 

:=:T    b'' 

--Tl'* 

<'TT  uu 

:=Tri  f 

:r<   n^^ 

-I^v^ 

lJ=    k'' 

iri-t" 

«:=n^^ 

"fr   v' 

<T     k" 

T<I  e-^ 

-TTIm=^ 

T^   s^ 

«IIx^ 

Tr    d" 

T<:::m^ 

*<<    s"^ 

<U-g" 

^11  d^ 

^<-m" 

Tt    ^" 

<H^r 

<B]  d" 

K-r 

T— ]z- 

TY-c^' 

hr  P^ 

^I    r^' 

<^<h'' 

IDEOGRAMS. 

^<^K  xsaya^iya  WT  bumi 

<  <]  T»  ^  <  I  dah  ^^K  auramazda 


59-6iJ  Ancient  I'kksian  W'uiting.  31 

WORD-DIVIDERS. 
<         \ 

NUMERALS. 
T      I  UT    5  <      10  <T    22 

\     2  V/t^8  <nji5  <<rTl25,etc. 

6o.  The  three  vowel  sio;ns  are  used  (1)  for  writing 
initial  vowels,  with  no  distinction  of  quantity,  and 
(2)  theoretically  for  writing  a  medial  or  final  long 
vowel,  when  added  to  the  corresponding  syllable  sign. 

6i.  The  long  vowel  almost  invariably  occurs  in  the 
case  of  an  a-consonant  +  a>  l^^ut  even  here  it  seems 
certain  that  the  a-sign  was  sometimes  added  at  the 
end  of  a  word,  not  to  indicate  the  quantity  of  the 
vowel,  but  to  represent  graphically  the  final  a  {.scriptio 
plena).  Thus  the  gen.  sg.  ending  of  a-stems  (I.  E. 
-syo,  Skt.  -sya)  is  generally  written  -hya,  i.  (.,  -hy'^a, 
e.  17.,  aniyahya,  avahya,  karahya;  yet  we  find  in  sev- 
eral instances,  especially  in  names  of  months,  the  gen. 
form  in  -hya,  i.  (\,  -hy"' {.'^erij^f/'o  defect iva),  e.  g.,  gar- 
mapadahya,  vahyazdatahya,  viyaxnahya,  etc.  Scrij?- 
tio  p/e)ifi,  may  be  seen  again  in  the  vocative  of  an  a- 
stem,  martiya  (NKa  50).  This  subject  is  discussed  in 
Tolman  Zex.  105. 

The  closeness  of  connection  between  the  genitive 
and  the  word  following  may  in  some  cases  account 
for  the  variation  -hya,  -hya.  So  we  find  mana,  avada 
(probably  originally  -a),  avahya;  but  when  an  enclitic 
follows,  manaca,  avadasis,  avahyaradiy.  (See  586.) 
But  both  utamaiy  and  utamaiy  occur.  The  verbal 
prefix  para  becomes  para  before  forms   beginning 


82  Ancient  1'ersian  Writing.  [61-65 

with  a  vowel,  e,  r/.,  paraidiy,  paraita  (see  213),  but 
paragmata. 

62.  With  i-  and  u-consonants  the  vowel  sign  regu- 
larly follows,  and  there  is  no  distinction  of  quantity; 
e.  g.,  d'id'iy  =  didiy,  k"ur"u  =  kuru. 

In  a  few  instances  an  i-  or  u- vowel  fails  to  be 
written  after  the  i-  or  u-consonant.  Such  scriptio 
defectiva  is  illustrated  by  v'^am  Bh.  1.  69,  71,  v'staspa- 
hya  Bh.  1.'  2-3,  nabukMracara  Bh.  1.  78-7l>,  84,  93. 

63.  The  vowel  signs  for  i  and  u  are  added  to  the 
a-consonant  signs  to  form  diphthongs,  as  av4na  = 
avaina,  k'^ufa  =  kaufa. 

64.  As  may  be  seen  from  the  table  above,  there  are 
several  consonants  which  show  no  differentiation  of 
form  when  followed  by  an  i-  or  u- vowel.  Thus  we 
transliterate  p'^t'^iy,  patiy;  p'^ifa,  pita;  p'^u^'a,  pu^'^a. 
Sometimes  we  are  in  doubt  whether  an  a-sound  still 
inheres  in  the  consonant  sign  before  i  or  u;  thus,  e.  (/., 
c^ispi  can  be  read  caispi  (Grk.  T€L(nrr]<;)  or  cispi  (Elam. 
zispis).  See  Tolman  Zex.  89.  Likewise  it  is  not 
always  possible  to  determine  consonant  groups  and 
finals. 

65.  Such  a  system  of  syllabic  writing  necessarily 
gives  rise  to  much  ambiguity  in  the  matter  of  trans- 
literation. The  Ancient  Persian  ad^m",  e.  ^.,  could 
be  transliterated  adam  (as  Lassen  read,  mistaking  the 
word  for  the  first  pers.  aor.  of  da, y^/^/et),  adama,  adma, 
adm,  adam,  adama,  adma,  or  adm.  It  is  only  by  com- 
parison with  etymological  equivalents — e.  </.,  Skt. 
aham — that  we  know  adam  to  be  the  correct  form. 
Where  this  ambiguity  exists,  the  form  can  generally 
be  determined,  as  in  this  instance,  by  etymological 
and  phonetic  laws.     Furthermore,  for  transliteration 


65-66J  AxciKNT  I'KKsiAx  \\'Krii.\(;.  :;:{ 

of  pr()i)er  names,  iiiatciial  is  furnished  from  the  Baby- 
lonian and  Elamite  versions,  as  also  from  (ireek 
equivalents. 

Note. — Since  Aryan  k  ([.  K.  q)  and  g(I.  E.  g) before  a  pal- 
atal vowel  were  changed  to  c  and  j,  respectively  (145),  thei"e 
could  be  no  need  in  Ancient  Persian  for  such  characters  as 
k'  or  g".  Again,  since  c  anc'  i  are  palatals,  there  is  no  need  of 
characters  for  c"  and  j". 

66.  The  Ancient  Persian,  further,  presents  the  fol- 
lowing g^-aphical  peculiarities: 

1.  Final  i-  and  u- vowels  are  protected  by  the  cor- 
respondin<j  semivowels  y  and  v;  t.  g.^  atiy,  Skt.  ati; 
patuv,  Skt.  patu. 

(/.  The  y  and  v  are  reofularly  not  written  before 
enclitics  and  in  compounds  before  an  element  begin- 
ning with  a  consonant;  e.  9.,  raucapativa,  imaiva, 
hauciy,  hausaiy,  paribarahy  (but  patiyabaram).  paru- 
zananam  (written  also  paruvzananam,  and  again 
paruv  zananam — see  I  ml.  Verh.  p.  34;  we  find  also 
hauvciy,  hauvtaiy,  hauvmaiy). 

I.  In  one  word  we  seem  to  have  uv  for  u  before  an 
ending,  paruvnam  (p^r^'uv^n^am")  in  Dar.  NRa.  6,  7 
(also  Art.  Pers.  a.  (>,  7:  b.  8-'.>.  10),  written  elsewhere 
parunam. 

c.  The  phrase  duraiy  apiy  is  found  usually  as  two 
words,  but  in  one  place  where  the  word-divider  is  not 
used  the  y  is  also  omitted,  and  we  have  duraiapiy,  Dar. 
NRa.  12;  but  in  Dar.  NRa.  46,  durayapiy. 

(I.  After  h  merely  -y,  not  -iy,  is  always  written  at 
the  end  of  a  word,  as  ahy,  you  ai't\  ])ut  amiy,  I  am; 
so  paribarahy.  But  with  an  enclitic  following,  the 
vowel  is  omitted  altogether  in  paribarah(i)dis  and  vi- 
kanah(i)dis. 


34  Ancient  I*ersian  Writing.  [66 

2.  y  and  v  after  consonants  appear  as  iy  and  uv 
(see  Tolman  Ciin.  Sup.  In  trod.  §§  14,  l'.»);  c.  r/., 
-jamiya  (Skt.  jamyat);  haruva,  Skt.  sarva. 

a.  Occasionally  aiy  is  written  ay;  e.  g.,  -tay  Bh. 
4.  58,  duray-  Dar.  KRa.  4(3,  and  the  ending  -hay  (I. 
E.  -sai)  of  the  2d  sg.  mid.  pres.  in  maniyahay  (see 
Tolman  Lex.  116). 

3.  Nasals  before  explosives  are  not  written,  nor  is 
final  n;  e.  r/.,  bM'^k''  =  baMaka,  subject;  cf.  YAv.  band, 
Skt.  bandh,  hind;  ab'*r''  =  abara",  they  hove;  Skt. 
abharan,  I.  E.  *ebheront,  Grk.  l<^(.pov. 

Note. — One  exception  in  the  use  of  the  nasal  before  an  ex- 
plosive occurs  in  the  co)upound  verb  form  hamtaxsataiy,  Dar. 
NRb.  16. 

4.  Original  nasalization  of  the  vowel  in  Skt.  gan, 
Av.  sah,  seems  not  to  occur  in  the  Ancient  Persian 
forms  of  ^ah,  nay. 

5.  The  writing  shows  no  double  consonants;  e.  _f/., 
Anc.  Pers.  ^atagus,  but  Bab.  sa-at-ta-gu-u,  Elam. 
sa-ad-da-ku-is,  Grk.  SarTayvSai. 

6.  hy%  as  is  mentioned  above  (1,  d),  is  used  as  a 
gi-aphic  representation  of  h'y;  e.  g. ,  2d  sg.  pres.  act. 
ending  -hy  {i.  e. ,  -hiy,  I.  E.  -si)  in  xsnasah'y,  ah'y. 

7.  h  is  not  wi'itten  before  u  (192) — e.  g.,  aura,  Av. 
ahura — and  it  is  likely  it  was  not  pronounced.  Cf. 
Elam.  uramasda,  Bab.  u-ra-ma-az-da  for  Anc.  Pers. 
auramazda.  However,  the  Babylonian  sometimes  ap- 
pears to  preserve  the  h-sound  as  shown  in  the  trans- 
literation a-hu-ur-ma-az-da- ' ;  yet  it  never  occurs  with 
hu  in  the  Babylonian  version  of  the  Behistan  Inscrip- 
tion, The  h  of  *vahu  (Skt.  vasu)  in  the  name  daray- 
avaus  was  lost,  though  it  appears  in  the  gen.  daray- 


66-68]  An'ciext  Picksiax  WitrrixG.  35 

avahaus;  so  also  in  the  first  element  of  vaumisa,  which 
the  Greek  (Phitarch)  renders  *fi/xtcn;s. 

That  the  h-sound  (pussing  over  to  x)  once  belonged 
before  u  (uv)  in  certain  places  may  be  inferred  from 
such  examples  as  uvarazmis,  Grk.  Xajfjua-iMia;  harauvatis, 

Grk.  'A/oa;(aJcrta. 

8.  Occasionally  h  before  a  or  i  is  not  written;  e.  g., 
6sitiy  for  ^aatiy,  cf.  a^aha;  aistata  for  *asistata  (192). 

ritONUNCIATION. 

67.  The  vowels  a,  i,  and  u  have  the  usual  sounds  of 
the  corresponding  vowels  in  Sanskrit  and  Avestan, 
and  when  etymology  shows  them  to  be  long,  they  are 
in  this  work  so  marked,  a,  i,  u;  so,  Anc.  Pers.  xsa^'"a, 
Av.  xsa^ra,  Skt.  ksatra;  Anc.  Pers.  ga(9u,  Av.  gatu, 
Skt.  gatu;  Anc.  Pers.  ci^'"a,  Av.  ci^ra,  Skt.  citra;  Anc. 
Pers.  jiva,  Av.  jivaiti,  Skt.  jivati;  Anc.  Pers.  pu^''a, 
Av.  pu^ra,  Skt.  putra;  Anc.  Pers.  bumi,  A  v.  bumi, 
Skt.  bhumi. 

Combination  of  these  vowel  sounds  occurs  in  the 
diphthongs  ai,  au,  ai,  and  au. 

68.  Tenues  and  Mediae  (139). 

The  tenues  k,  t,  p  are  pronounced  as  in  the  Euro- 
pean languages. 

The  mediae  g,  d,  b  are  pronounced  as  the  ordinary 
European  g-,  d-,  and  b-sounds,  and  possibly  some- 
times as  spirants  (=  Av.  y,  S,  w). 

The  palatals  c  and  j  were  somewhat  like  the  ts-  and 
dz-sounds  in  the  Italian  ctmt')^  (jente;  English  chwch^ 
judge.  It  is  possible  that  j  in  certain  words  was 
spoken  as  spirant  Z;  e.  fj. ,  in  nijayam  ( =  Iran,  nil  -|- 
ayam);  cf.  A  v.  niz  before  sonants. 


36  Ancient  1*krsian  Writing.  [68-71 

As  Ar.  cy  became  in  Anc.  Pers.  sy  (150),  j  of  the 
combination  jy  may  have  been  pronounced  z,  in  adu- 
rujiya,  he  lied^  Av.  druzaiti,  Skt.  druhyati. 

It  may  be  noted  also  that  the  proper  name  ka"bu- 
jiya  is  rendered  in  Greek  Ka/x/Juo-T^s. 

69.  Spiranta  (139)- 

X,  ^,  f  have  the  same  sounds  as  in  Av. ;  x  as  ch  in 
the  Scotch  locli^  Mod.  Grk.  x;  ^  as  th  in  Eng.  thin;  f 
as  in  English. 

The  sound  indicated  by  the  ligature  d""  is  uncertain; 
e.  g.,  corresponding  to  the  Av.  mi^ra  we  should  ex- 
pect *mi^'"a,  but  we  find  this  word  written  m'^ra, 
m'tra,  -misa  (vau-misa);  cf.  Elam.  mi-is-sa,  Bab. 
mi-it-ri,  Grk.  Mtrpa-SaTi;?. 

The  sibilants  s,  s,  z  are  pronounced  as  in  Av.,  s 
much  as  the  csA  of  English. 

70.  JTasals. 

n  and  m  have  their  ordinary  pronunciation.  For 
the  omission,  in  w'riting,  of  nasals  medial  before  ex- 
plosives, and  final,  see  66.  3. 

71.  Semivowels  and  Lujidds. 

The  semivowels  y  and  v  are  pronounced  as  in  Av.  -, 
when  initial  they  perhaps  had  something  of  a  spirantal 
value.  It  is  possible  also  that  iy  and  uv  after  conso- 
nants were  more  or  less  spirantal  in  force,  as  in 
siyati,  6'uvam. 

r  is  a  li(]uid,  but  the  value  of  this  sign  when  repre- 
senting Primitive  Aryan  vocalic  r  is  imcertain.  We 
transliterate  ar,  e.  g. ,  Anc.  Pers.  karta,  Skt.  krta. 

It  has  been  held  that  there  must  have  been  in  pro- 
nunciation, although  not  in  writing,  a  distinction  Ijc- 
tween  the  consonant  ra  (or  ar)  and  the  vowel  r. 
Meillet  would  even  assign  to  the  initial  a  before  r  the 


71-73]  rxDo-KuRoi-EAX  La\(;iages.  :J7 

value  of  the  Semitic  aleph  and  read  'rstam,  'rstis  for 
arstam,  arstis;  but  of.  Tolman,  AJP  30,  402. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  1  occurs  only  in  two  for- 
eign names:  haldita  (Elani.  altita)  and  dubala,  l)oth 
in  Bh.  3.  Ti>.  The  Bal).  1  is  represented  ^)\  the  Anc. 
Pers.  r  in  tigram,  Bab.  di-ik-lat. 

72.  Aspiration. 

h  has  its  ordinary  pronunciation,  bnt  the  aspiration 
in  certain  positions  seems  to  have  been  very  weak. 
For  the  omission  of  h  before  u  and  medially  before 
other  vowels,  see  66.  T;  192. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Indo-Eueopean  Languages. 

73.  The  following  is,  in  general,  the  classification 
of  Indo-European  languages  usually  given  by  phil- 
ologists. 

INDO-EUROPEAN    FAMILY. 

I.  In  do-Iranian  (75). 

1,  Indian:    A.  Sanskrit  (Old  Indian),  <i.  Vedic, 

h.  Classical. 

B.  Prakrit  and  Pali  (Middle  Indian). 

C.  Hindi   and    other    Modern    Dia- 

lects (New  Indian). 

2.  Iranian:  A.  Old  Iranian  (76). 

a.  (West)     Ancient     Persian 

(Language  of  the  court). 
h.  (East)   Avesta  (77-79)    (Sa- 
cred Literature). 

a.  Giltha-Avesta. 
J).  Younger  Avesta. 


38  Indo-European  Languages.  [73 

B.  Middle  Iranian:  Pahlavi  or  Mid- 

dle Persian. 

C.  New  Iranian:  a.  Modern  Persian 

and  related  dialects,  as 
h.  Kurdish.  f.  Balucl. 
e.  Ossetish.       g.  Caspian  Group. 

d.  Afghan.       //,  Central  Group. 

e.  Pamir. 
II.  Armenian. 

III.  Greek. 

1.  Ionic-Attic. 

2.  Doric. 

3.  Northwest  Greek. 

4.  Elian. 

5.  Arcadian-Cyprian. 

6.  Aeolic,  Northeast  Greek. 

7.  Pamphylian. 

IV.  Albanian. 
V.  Italic. 

1.  Latin,  from  which  are  Portuguese,  Spanish, 

Catalanian,  Provencal,  French,  Italian,  Ras- 
toromanic,  Roumanian. 

2.  Other    Italic    Dialects,    as    Oscan-Unil)rian, 

Messapian,  Venetian,  Ligurian. 
VI.  Keltic. 

1.  Gallic. 

2.  British:  A.  Welsh,  B.  Cornish,  C.  Breton. 

3.  Gaelic:  A.  Irish,  B.  Scotch,  C.  Manx. 
Vn.  Germanic. 

1.  East  Germanic:  A.  Gothic. 

B.  Norse. 

2.  West  Germanic:  Anglo-Saxon,  Frisian,  Low 

German  (Old  Saxon),  Old  High  German, 


73-74J  Ixno-lOiRorKAX  Lan(;ca(;ks.  30 

Old  Low  Franconian  (whence  Dutch  and 
Flomish). 
Vlll.    Halto-Shivonic. 

1.  Baltic:  Old  Prussian,  Lithuanian,  Lettic. 

2.  Slavonic:  A.  Southeastern   Group,  includ- 

inof  Russian,  Bulgarian,  Ser- 
vian, Croatian,  Slovenian. 
B.  "Western     Group,     including 
Bohemian  (Czech),  Sorbian 
(Wendish),  Polish ,  Polabish. 
To  these  groups  is  to  be  added  Tocharian,  the  newly 
discovered    Indo-European   language   from   Chinese 
Turkestan. 

74.  Indo-European.  Other  names  that  have  been 
used  for  this  family  of  languages  are  Aryan,  Indo- 
Germanic,  Indo-Keltic.  The  tirst  of  these  is  objec- 
tionable, since  the  term  belongs  properly  only  to  the 
Indo-Ii-anian  group.  The  Sanskrit  word  arya  means 
honorable  or  excellent  and  was  applied  originally  to 
the  three  higher  classes  of  the  Indian  people.  Darius 
called  himself  (NRa  14)  an  Aryan,  son  of  an  Aryan, 
and  the  Zoroastrians  call  themselves  Aryan.  Indo- 
Germanic,  as  giving  the  extreme  limits  of  the  terri- 
tory occupied  by  the  peoples  of  this  family,  is  a  name 
preferred  by  the  Germans.  But  the  Kelts  are  omit- 
ted unless,  indeed,  the  "Germanic"  limit  be  Iceland. 
It  was  this  objection  that  led  some,  after  the  Keltic 
had  been  ascertained  as  belonging  to  the  family,  to 
suggest  the  name  Indo-Keltic;  but  this  has  not  come 
into  common  use.  Indo-European  is  perhaps  more 
nearly  satisfactory  than  the  other  terms,  but  even 
here  the  tirst  element  is  too  restricted  and  the  second 
too  comprehensive,  for  the  Iranian  must  be  included 


40  Indo-Euroi'eax  Languages.  [74-76 

with  the  Indian,  and  some  of  the  European  languages 
must  be  exchided  from  the  family,  while  no  provi- 
sion is  made  for  the  Armenian.  The  Tocharian,  fur- 
thermore, the  language  recently  discovered  in  Chinese 
Turkestan,  is  not  included  by  the  use  of  any  of  these 
names. 

75.  Indo-Iranian  (Aryan).  The  chief  characteristic 
of  the  Indo-lranian  group  is  the  leveling  of  Indo- 
European  a-,  e-,  and  o-sounds  to  the  a-sound.  As 
will  be  seen  below  (79),  this  a  in  A  v.  suffered  later 
changes.  The  following  are  examples  of  the  ludo- 
Ii-anian  leveling  of  the  vowels:  I.  E.  *apo,  Skt.  apa, 
Anc.  Pers.  apa-,  YAv.  apa;  I.  E.  *esti,  Skt.  asti,  Anc. 
Pers.  astiy,  Av.  asti;  I.  E.  *mater,  Skt.  matar,  Anc. 
Pers.  -matar,  Av.  matar;  I.  E.  root  *dhe,  Skt.  dha, 
Anc.  Pers.  da;  I.  E.  root  *do,  Skt.  da,  Anc.  Pers.  da, 
Av.  da. 

76.  Old  Iranian.  Both  the  Ancient  Persian  and  the 
Avestan  are,  of  course,  closely  related  to  the  Sanskrit. 
As  common  Iranian  characteristics  distinguishing 
these  two  languages  from  the  Sanskrit  may  be  men- 
tioned briefly  the  following: 

(1)  The  original  mediae  aspiratas  (139)  gh,  dh,  bh 
become  the  simple  mediffi  g,  d,  b.  They  so  remained 
in  the  Gatha  dialect  (77)  of  the  Avestan,  but  in  the 
Younger  dialect,  and  probably  sometimes  in  Ancient 
Persian,  they  became  voiced  spirants;  e.  g.,  Skt. 
dirgham,  Anc.  Pers.  dargam,  GAv.  darsga,  YAv. 
dar9ya;  Skt.  adha,  Anc.  Pers,  ada,  GAv.  ada,  YAv. 
aSa;  Skt.  abhi,  Anc.  Pers.  ably,  GAv.  aibi,  YAv. 
aiwi. 

(2)  The  original  tenues  (139)  k,  t,  p  are  regularly 
changed  before  consonants  into  the  spirants  x,  6,  f ; 


76-78J  Ixno-IOriiorKAx   LAXciiAUKs.  41 

c.  _(/.,  8kt.  ksatra,  Aik-.  I'cis.  xsa^'a,  Av.  xsa^ra;  Skt. 
pra,  Ane.  Pers.  fra-,  A  v.  fra. 

(;>)  Oiiijinal  initial  s  becomes  h,  but  in  Anc,  Pers. 
is  not  wiitlen  before  u;  e.  r/.,  Skt.  soma,  Anc.  Pers. 
hauma-,  YAv.  haoma-;  Skt.  su-,  Anc.  Pers.  u-,  A  v.  hu-. 
Medial  s  may  l)e  written  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  h  (always  ^^V 
omitted  before  u)  and  in  A  v.  as  hh;  c.  (/.,  Skt.  vasu, 
Anc.  Pers.  -va(h)u,  YAv.  vahhu. 

(4)  The  development  of  soft  sibilants;  e.  (/.,  Skt. 
asuro  medhas,  Anc.  Pers.  auramazda,  Av.  ahura 
mazdah. 

(5)  Ori<rinal  (k-)sk(h),  Skt.  ch,  is  represented  by  s; 
e.  g.,  Skt.  prchami,  Anc.  Pers.  aparsam,  A  v.  p9r8sami. 

77.  The  Avesta.  This  is  the  language  of  the  oldest 
Avritings  of  the  Zoroastrians,  the  sacred  books  of  the 
Ancient  Persians  and  (with  dialectic  changes)  of  the 
Modern  Parsis.  The  name  Avesta  is  from  avistak, 
which,  in  the  Pahlavl  of  the  Sassaniau  period,  meant 
scriptHres,  perhaps  originally  signifying  Inoirledye^ 
like  the  Veda  of  India,  or  possibly  meaning  ordi- 
nance^ law.  The  term  Zend  or  Zend-Avesta  is  inac- 
cm'ately  used  from  the  frequently  recurring  phrase 
avistak  va  zand,  the  law  and  the  counneiitary^  or 
tJie  holy  text  and  the  interpretation.  In  age  the  lan- 
guage of  parts  of  the  Avestan  text  almost  equals  the 
Vedic  dialect  of  the  Sanskrit,  but  some  of  the  younger 
portions  are  very  late.  ^ 

Gathas  means  s'onfjs'.,  that  is,  the  metrical  sermons   ^ 
of  Zoroaster.     The  Younger  Avesta  bears  much  the 
same  relation  to  the  Gathus  as  Classical  Sanskrit  bears 
to  the  Veda  or  Classical  Greek  to  Homer. 

78.  It  has  long  been  a  mooted  question  as  to  how 
far  the  Mazdeism  of  the  Avesta  and  the  Mazdeism  of 


42  Indo-European  Languages.  [78-79 

the  Persian  Inscriptions  are  identical.  There  is  much 
to  show  that  the  religion  of  the  Achoemenidan  kings 
was  in  close  accord  with  that  of  the  Avestan  teach- 
ing. In  the  newly  discovered  material  on  the  lower 
inscription  of  the  grave  of  Darius  (37),  Tolman 
(AJP.  31,  80)  compares  a  mutilated  passage  with  all 
Avestan  theologic  phrase  which  may  serve  to  show 
that  the  king  was  really  employing  an  expression  pe- 
culiar to  the  sacred  books. 

79.  (1)  In  phonetic  and  grammatical  structure  the 
Ancient  Persian  and  the  Avestan  are  very  similar, 
but  the  Avestan  developed  e-  and  o-soimds  out  of  the 
a- vowel  and  introduced  several  diphthongs.  Avestan 
0  (84)  is  often  written  for  Ancient  Persian  a  before 
m  or  n,  generally  so  before  final  m:  e.  g.,  Av.  up9m9m, 
Skt.  upamam.  The  Avestan  ara  (ars)  corresponds  to 
the  Ancient  Persian  (a)r,  Sanskrit  r;  e.  ^.,  Av.  p9ra- 
sami,  Anc.  Pers.  aparsam,  Skt.  prchami.  In  Younger 
r  Avestan  e  was  written  for  ya  in  words  of  more  than 
one  sjdlable;  e.  </.,  the  YAv.  gen.  ending  -a-he  for 
'  Anc.  Pers.  -a-hya,  Skt.  -a-sya.  The  Avestan  regu- 
larly shortened  original  long  final  vowels  (except  0), 
as  YAv.  pita,  Anc.  Pers.  pita,  Skt,  pita.  But  the 
Gatha  dialect  lengthened  all  original  short  final 
vowels,  the  Younger  Avestan  those  of  monosyllables 
only;  as,  Av.  fra-  Anc.  Pers,  fra,  Skt,  pra.  i  and  u  are 
regularly  written  long  before  final  m  in  Avestan;  e.g., 
Av,  paitim,  Skt.  patim;  Av,  mainyum,  Skt.  manyum. 

r-      (2)  A  marked  feature  of  this  language  is  the  epen- 
thetic i  or  u  when  the  following  syllable  contains  i,  i, 

I    e,  e,  y,  or  u,  v;  e.  g.,  Av.  bavaiti,  Anc,  Pers,  bavatiy. 

I    Epenthesis  of  u  takes  place  before  r,  as  YAv.  haurva, 
Anc.  Pers.  haruva. 


79-8oJ  Indo-Kurui'F.ax  Languages.  4.*? 

(3)  The  Avestan  generally  omits  the  iuiofnient,  while 
the  Ancient  Persian  retains  it  except  in  injunctive 
forms,  e.   g.,  A  v.   bar9m,  Anc.   Pers.   abaram,  Skt. 
abharam. 
^    (-t)  Final  -as  of  the  Sanskrit  is  written  in  Avestan 
i^as  -0  and  in  Ancient  Persian  as  -a;  c  f/.,  Skt.  putras, 
Av.  pu^o,  Anc.  Pers.  pu^'a.     Final  -as  of  the  San- 
ski'it  appears  as  a  in  Avestan  and  a  in  Ancient  Persian ; 
"e.  (j.^  Skt.  senayas,  A  v.  haenaya,  Anc.  Pers.  hainaya. 
(5)  Sanskrit  j  is  often  represented  in  Avestan  ])y  z, 
in  Ancient  Persian  by  d  (/.  t.,  8)  or  z  (158);  e.  ^.,  Skt. 
jrayas,  YAv.  zrayah,  Anc.  Pers.  drayah.     These  same 
sounds  also  represent  what  in  Sanskrit  l)ecame  h;  e.  g.^ 
Skt.  hasta,  Av.  zasta,  Anc.  Pers.  dasta.     Sanskrit  9v,~| 
represented  in  Ancient  Persian  by  sp  and  s  (219.  2.  a),  /  *  *W 
appears  in  Avestan  as  sp;  e.  g. ,  Skt.  agva,  Anc.  Pers.J 
aspa-,  asa,  YAv.  aspa.     Avestan  s  represents  rt  of  thel    \ 
Sanskrit  and  the  Ancient  Persian,  as,  Av.  masya,  Skt.  j 
martya,  Anc.  Pers.  martiya. 

80.  Pahlavi.  The  Ancient  Persian  is  the  mother 
tongue  of  both  ISIiddle  and  Modern  Persian.  The 
name  Pahlavi,  from  Pers.  pahlav,  Jiero^  Anc.  Pers. 
par^ava,  Partlilan^  Skt.  pahlava,  Persian^  is  applied 
to  the  Persian  lanofuage  of  the  middle  period,  from 
the  third  to  the  ninth  or  tenth  century.  It  is  a  mix- 
ture of  speech  where  Semitic  words  are  used  side  by 
side  with  Persian,  or  Semitic  words  with  Persian  ter- 
minations. According  to  Il)n  Mokafta  (of  the  eighth 
century),  the  Persian  of  this  period  had  about  a 
thousand  words  written  in  Semitic  form,  but  pro- 
nounced in  Persian,  malkan  malka,  e.  (/.,  lilng  of 
Icings^  was  spoken  as  sahan  sah — much  as  we  read  Latin 
abbreviations  in  English  by  the  English  equivalents. 


xl 


44  IxDo-EiRorEAx  Languages.  [80-81 

In  its  grainiiiatical  forms  and  its  phonology,  I'ahlavl 
is  much  nearer  to  the  Modern  Persian  than  to  the 
Ancient  Persian.  The  inflectional  forms  are  much 
fewer  in  number  than  those  of  the  older  languaofe; 
distinctive  forms  for  gender  are  no  longer  used;  the 
Jcase  endings  are  practically  lost,  the  commonly  re- 
;curring  -an  (possibly  derived  from  the  Anc.  Pers. 
-anam  of  the  gen.  pi.  of  a-stems)  being  used  as  a 
I  plural  suffix,  while  the  genitive  or  adjectival  relation 
is  expressed  by  the  short  vowel  -i-  (probably  from  the 
Anc.  Pers.  pronoun  hya);  case  relations  are  expressed 
~by  prepositions;  and  compound  verb  forms  are  com- 
mon. Some  of  the  phonological  characteristics  of 
Pahlavl  are  mentioned  below  in  comparison  with  the 
New  Persian. 

81.  New  Persian.  The  relation  of  the  New  to  the 
Ancient  Persian  presents  something  of  a  parallel  to 
the  relation  of  Modern  English  to  Anglo-Saxon,  in 
that  an  analytic  language  has  developed  from  one 
highly  inflectional.  Modern  Persian  has  also  been 
influenced  by  the  introduction  of  Aralnc  words,  es- 
pecially in  the  w^'itten  language.  With  the  loss  of 
inflections  has  come  a  corresponding  development  of 
syntax.  Some  interesting  points  of  difference  be- 
tween the  phonology  of  the  ancient  language  and 
that  of  the  New  Persian  are  the  following: 

(1)  Original  initial  a  has  been  lost;  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers. 
a^a"gaina,  of  st(>tu\  A  v.  asanga,  New  Pers.  sang. 

(2)  Ancient  Persian  ai  (Phi.  e)  became  in  New 
Persian  e,  i,  while  Ancient  Persian  au  (Phi.  6)  became 
6,  u;  <?.  ^.,  Anc.  Pers.  naiba,  l>e<(>if!fiiJ^  Phi.  nev(ak), 
New  Pers.  nev;  Anc.  Pers.  raucah,  day^  Av.  raocah, 
Phi.  roc,  New  Pers.  roz. 


81-82]  1  .\i)()-Imk<)I'i:a.\  LAX(;rA<ii:s.  45 

(.'))  k,  t,  p,  c  of  AiK-iciit  Persian  may  appear  as  g, 

d,  b,  z,  respectively  (especially  between  vowels);  e.  (j.^  \i 
Av.  sukuruna,  2^'>i'c^']>'»''i  Plil-  sukur,  New  Pcrs.  su- 
gur(nah);  Anc.  Pcrs.  bratar,  Irotlur^  A  v.  bratar,  New 

Pers.  biradar;  Anc.  Pers.  ap,  vmtcr^  Phi.  ap,  New 
Pers.  ab;  Anc.  Pers.  raucah,  day^  Av.  raocah.  Phi. 
roc,  New  Pers.  rbz. 

(4)  Ancient  Persian  f  and  6  sometimes  appear  as  h; 

e.  f/.,  Anc.  Pcrs.  kaufa,  'inoHntain^  A  v.  kaofa,  Phi. 
kof(ak),  New  Pcrs.  koh;  Anc.  Pers.  ga^u,  ^dace^  Av. 
gatu,  New  Pers.  gah.      ^"^ 

(5)  Ori2:inal  d  and  dh  may  appear  as  y,  the  y  being 
interposed  on  account  of  the  loss  of  either  letter  be- 
tween vowels;  e.  </.,  Skt.  khadati,  New  Pers.  xayad; 
Skt.  vadhu,  New  Pers.  bayo. 

(())  y  often  appears  as  j;  as,  Av,  yava,  Ixirlcy^  New 
Pers.  jav. 

(7)  The  succession  of  two  consonants  at  the  begin- 
ning of  a  word  is  avoided  by  inserting  or  prefixing  a 
vowel;  as,  New  Pers.  biradar,  Anc.  Pers.  and  A  v. 
bratar,  IrofJ^  r  (cf.  215). 

82.  Some  Other  Dialects,  (a)  lutrdi.^h,  though  in 
general  very  much  like  the  New  Persian,  is  distin- 
guished by  a  shortening  of  words,  as  bara  for  New 
Pers.  biradar.  (b)  (hseti^h^  which,  along  with  the 
\Yagnohi  and  the  more  ancient  Sogdian^  is  a  repre-J  \ 
sentative  of  the  Scythian  dialects,  in  its  phonology 
resembles  the  Arnu«ian,  in  its  structure  is  analytic. 
Its  ten  cases  are  formed  by  postpositions,  (c)  Afghan 
has  suffered  many  corruptions  in  its  vowel  system 
and  has  many  loan  words,  chiefly  from  the  Persian, 
bat  also  from  Arabic  and  Indian,  (d)  Balucl  presents 
a  consonantal  system  older  than  that  of  any  other 


46  The  Vowels.  [82-85 

modern  Persian  dialect,  showing  in  this  respect  much 
the  same  stage  of  development  as  the  Pahlavl. 
(e)  The  ChaJdeo- Pahlavl  inscriptions  and  the  texts 
of  the  Turf  an  MSS.  represent  a  northwest  dialect, 
probably  that  of  the  Arsacids. 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Vowels. 

1.  the  indo-european  vowfx  system. 

83.  The  Indo-European  language  had  the  follow- 
ing vowel-sounds: 

Simple  Vowels:  a,  a,  e,  e,  i,  i,  0,  0,  u,  u,  9. 
Diphthongs:  ai,  ai,  ei,  ei,  oi,  oi,  oi,  au,  au, 

eu,  eu,  ou,  ou,  9u. 
'Vocalic  Nasals:  n,  n,  m,  m. 

Vocalic  Liquids:  r,  f ,  1, 1. 

^  o     o     o'  o 

84.  jNIost  of  the  simple  vowels  are  regarded  as  hav- 
ing the  same  value  as  in  European  languages.  9, 
schvMj  is  an  indeterminate  vowel,  the  value  of  which 
is  someW' hat  the  same  as  that  of  a  in  the  English  sofa 
or  e  in  the  German  Gahe.  It  resulted  from  the  weak- 
ening of  the  original  a,  e,  or  0  (cf.  120,  129). 

85.  Nasals  and  liquids  may  be  either  vowels  or  con- 
sonants, their  value  being  determined  by  their  posi- 
tion. Following  a  vowel,  tligy  are  consonantal; 
elsewhere,  vocalic.  As  vowels  they  are  represented 
graphically  by  n,  m,  r,  1,  and  their  sounds  occur  in 
such  English  w^ords  as  gotten,  fatliom,  lucre,  apple, 
i.  t'.,  gottn,  fatlim ,  hi  or,  ajyjyl.  The^-sound,  whether 
vocalic  or  consonantal,  becomes  palatal  or  velar  (133, 


85-87]  Thk  Vowels.  47 

139)  before  the  corresponding  explosives;  and  in  this 
work  n,  n  represent  these  sounds  in  such  conil)inations. 

86.  As  to  whether  long  vocalic  nasals  and  liquids 
existed  in  the  parent  language,  scholars  are  not  agreed. 

\  Theoretically,  n,  m,  r,l  w^ould  arise  from  the  loss  of  e 
L_  in  the  combinations  ana,  ems,  era,  el9;  but  no  Indo- 
European  language  has  preserved  a  long  vocalic  nasal 
or  liquid,  and  even  among  those  who  contend  for  the 
existence  of  these  sounds  in  the  parent  speech  the 
.  question  of  their  development  in  the  derived  languages 
is  by  no  means  satisfactorily  solved. 

Even  if  Latin  and  Greek  forms  apparently  devel- 
oped from  Indo-European  long  vocalic  nasals  and  liq- 
uids be  explained  as  merely  heavy  dissyllabic  bases 
with  loss  of  the  fii'st  vowel  (129)  and  the  preservation 
of  the  long  vowel  of  the  second  syllable,  still  there  re- 
main forms  in  other  languages  which  are  not  so  to  be 
explained;  e.  </.,  Skt.  jatah  (cf.  Lat.  gnatus)  points  to 
an  I.  E.  *gntos,  and  Skt.  damyati  to  a  root  dm.  The 
long  vocalic  nasals  and  liquids  are,  therefore,  taken  up 
in  the  following  discussion  of  Indo-European  vowels 
as  they  come  into  Ancient  Persian. 

2.   INDO-EUROPEAN  VOWELS   IN    ANCIENT   PERSIAN. 

a. 

87.  I.  E.  a  remained  in  Auc.  Pers. ,  as  in  the  oldest 
periods  of  practically  all  the  other  languages  of  the 
family  (but  the  Bal to-Slav,  shows  0);  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *apo, 
from^  Anc.  Pers.  apa-,  YAv.  apa,  Skt.  apa,  Grk.  ctTro, 
Lat.  ab,  Goth,  af;  Grk.  ax/Awv,  aiwll^  Anc.  Pers.  as- 
man,  anvil-stone^  heaven^  YAv.  asman,  Skt.  a9man; 
I.  E.  *bhago,  gcxl^  Anc.  Pers.  baga,  YAv.  baya^Mid. 


48  The  \'o\vels.  [87-89 

Pers.  bay,  Turfan  MSS.  bagiystom),  Skt.  bhaga,  Slav, 
bogu  (cf.  Phrygian  ZeCs  Bayatos);  Grk,  a^o/xai,  h(/noi\ 
Aiic.  Pers.  yad,  Av.  yaz  CSlu\.  Pers.  yastan,  New 
Pers.  yazdan),  Skt.  yaj;  I.  E.  *awe,  doivn^  A.nc.  Pers. 
ava,  Av.  ava,  Skt,  ava. 


a. 

88.  I.  E.  a  (Germanic,  Lith.  6,  O.  Slav,  a)  remained 
in  Anc.  Pers.  along  with  the  other  Indo-Iranian  lan- 
guages, as  also  in  Greek  (except  Ionic- Attic  dialects) 
and  in  Latin;  e.  ^.,  I.  E.  *mater,  mother^  Anc.  Pers. 
-matar,  A  v.  matar,  Skt.  matar,  Grk.  (Dor.)  fi-aT-qp,  Lat. 
mater,  A.  S.  moder;  I.  E.  *bhrator,  brother^  Anc.  Pers. 
bratar  (New  Pers.  biradar,  Kurd,  bara,  Oss.  arvada), 
Skt.  bhratr,  Grk.  <^paT-qp,  Lat.  frater;  Grk.  (Dor.) 
lo-Ta/Ai,  xtand^  Anc.  Pers.  sta,  Av.  sta,  Skt.  stha. 

e. 

89.  I.  E.  e,  which  was  either  kept  or  modified  to  i 
in  most  other  groups,  became  a  in  the  Indo-Iranian 
languages;  e.  (7.,  I.  E.  *qe,  and^  Anc.  Pers.  -ca  (writ-1 
ten  -ca),  Av.  -ca,  Skt.  -ca,  Grk.  n,  Lat.  -que;  I.  E.  *eti,  ^ 
Ixyond^  Anc.  Pers.  atiy,  YAv.  aiti(79.  2),  Skt.  ati,Grk. 
ETt,  Lat.  et;  I.  E.  *eg(h)o(m),  /,  Anc.  Pers.  adam,  Av. 
az8m,  Skt.  aham,  Grk.  cyw,  Lat.  ego;  L  E.  *elrwo, 
lioi'sc^  Anc.  Pers.  aspa-(asa),  YAv.  aspa  (New  Pers. 
asp,  Afy.  aspa),  Skt.  agva,  Lat.  equus;  I.  E.  *esti,  ^.v, 
Anc.  Pers.  astiy,  Av.  asti,  Skt.  asti,  Grk.  cart,  Lat. 
est;  I.  E.  *pet,y_y,  Anc.  Pers.  pat,  YAv.  pat,  Skt.  pat, 
Grk.  TTCTo/iat;  1.  E.  *peri,  ahout^  Anc.  Pers.  parly,  Av. 
pairi  (79.  2)  (New  Pers.  par-),  Skt.  pari,  Grk.  -n-lpc, 

I.  E.   "sed,  .s/V,  Anc.  Pers.  had,  YAv.  had,  Skt.  sad, 


89-91]  The  Vowels.  49 

Grk.  cSos;  I.  E.  *bher,  hear^  Anc.  Pers.  bar,  A  v.  bar, 
Skt.  bhr,  Grk.  <i>ip(a,  Lat.  fero;  I.  K.  *nepb(t),  descmrl- 
ant,  Anc.  Pcrs.  napat,  Av.  napat  (New  Pers.  nava), 
Skt.  napat,  Lat.  nepos. 
r  The  change  of  In(k)-European  e  to  a  seems  to  be- 
long to  the  primitive  Aryan  period  and  did  not  occur 
^.  until  after  the  e  had  changed  the  preceding  velar  to 
a  palatal  (145),  as  is  shown  in  the  example  above, 
*qe  *ce  ca.  Bartholomae  holds  that  this  change 
took  place  in  the  Indo-European  period,  but  the  gen- 
eral view  is  that  it  belongs  to  the  Aryan. 


e. 

90.  I.  E.  e,  retained  as  e  in  Grk.  (generally),  in 
Lat.,  and  in  Goth.,  as  e  in  Lith.,  ae  in  A.  S.,  e  in  O. 
Slav.,  and  i  in  O.  Irish,  became  a  in  the  Indo-Iranian 
group;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *dhe,  put,  Anc.  Pers.  da,  Av.  da, 
Skt.  dha,  Grk.  rCd-qixi,  Lat.  feci;  I.  E.  *esm,  I  was,  Anc. 
Pers.  aham,  Grk.  (Hom.)  ^a;  nom.  sg.  of  ter-stems, 
I.  E.  *te(r),  Anc.  Pers.    pita,  father,  -mata,  mother, 

Grk.  iraTrjp^  (Dor.)  fmrrjp. 

i. 

91.  I.  E.  i  remained  in  the  Indo-Iranian  group  as  1^ 
well  as  in  the  older  periods  of  almost  all  the  other 
derived  languages.  In  Latin  before  r  ,s  and  when 
tinal  it  appears  as  e.  Examples  are:  1.  E.  *qid,  in- 
detinite  particle,  Anc.  Pers.  -ciy,  YAv.  -cit,  Skt.  -cid 
(cf.  Grk.  Ti);  I.  E.  *esti,  /le  is,  Anc.  Pers.  astiy,  A  v. 
asti,  Skt.  asti,  Grk,  lo-n;  I.  E.  *idhi,  go  t/iou,  Anc. 
Pers.  -idly,  Skt.  ihi,  Grk.  Wi;  Grk.  vipi,  around,  Anc. 
Pers.  pariy,  Av.  pairi,  Skt.  pari. 

4 


50  The  Vowels.  [92-94 


1. 


92.  1.  E.  i,  like  i,  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.,  as  in  the 
oldest  periods  of  the  other  I.  E.  languages;  e.  g.^ 
I.  E.  *giwos,  Jiving^  Anc.  Pers.  jivahya,  Skt.  jiva. 

0. 

93.  I.  E.  0  occurring  as  0  in  Grk.  and  O.  Slav.,  as  0 
(u)  in  Lat.  and  O.  Irish,  was  changed  to  a  in  the 
Indo-Iranian  group,  as  also  in  Goth,  and  Lith.;  e.  .9., 
I.  E.  *bheronti,  they  leai^  Anc.  Pers.  bara°tiy,  Av. 
barainti  (79.  2),  Skt.  bharanti,  Grk.  (Dor.)  <t>^povTi, 
Lat.  ferunt,  Goth,  bairand;  I.  E.  *owo,  that,  Anc. 
Pers.  ava,  Av.  ava;  I.  E.  *pro,  hefort\  Anc.  Pers. 
fra-,  Av.  fra  (79. 1),  Skt.  pra,  Grk.  Trpo,  Lat.  pro  (later 
pro);  I.  E.  *syo,  demonstr.  pron.,  Anc.  Pers.  hya, 
Skt.  sya;  ace.  sg.  o-stems,  I.  E.  *-oin,  Anc.  Pers.  -am, 
Skt.  -am,  Grk.  -ov,  Lat.  -om  (-um). 

The  Aryan  a<L  E.  0  is,  of  com-se,  distinguished 
from  Aryan  a<L  E.  e  by  the  fact  that  the  velar  is 
not  palatalized  before  it  (145).  Some  philologists 
have  held  that,  while  I.  E.  0  in  closed  syllables  and 
final  became  a,  0  in  open  syllables  probably  became 
a  in  the  primitive  Aryan  period.  Brugmann  (KVG 
104,  Anm. )  still  regards  this  theory  as  tenable.  How- 
ever, the  apparent  devolopment  of  a  from  I.  E.  0,  as 
in  Anc.  Pers.  asmanam,  Skt.  agmanam,  Grk.  aK/tAova,  is 
probably  to  be  otherwise  explained,  perhaps  as  an 
extended  grade  of  the  vowel  by  analogy. 

0. 

94.  I.  E.  0  became  a  in  the  Indo-Iranian  languages, 
as  also  in  O.  li-ish,  appearing  as  a  in  O.  Slav.,  u  in 


94-97]  The  Vowels.  51 

Litli.,  l)nt  remaining  o  in  the  Germanic  group  and  in 
Grk.  and  Lat. ;  e.  //.,  I.  E.  *d6,  glve^  ^J^*-'-  Pers.  da, 
Av.  da,  Skt.  da,  Grk.  St'Sw/xt;  I.  E.  *gno,  lnoic,  Anc. 
Pers.  xsna,  A  v.  xsna  (Turf  an  MSS.  'isnased,  New 
Pers.  sinasad),  Skt.  jna,  Grk.  ytyvwo-Kw,  Lat.  gnosco. 

u. 

95.  I.  E.  u  remains  in  the  oldest  period  of  all  the 
languages  of  the  family;  e.  fj.,  I.  E.  *su,  well,  Anc. 
Pers.  u-frastam,  A  v.  hu-,  Skt.  su-,  Grk.  v-yi7?s;  I.  E. 
*upo,  Anc.  Pers.  upa  (written  upa),  Av.  upa,  Skt. 
upa,  Grk.  uVo,  Lat.  sub;  Anc.  Pers.  pu^^  Av.  pu^a, 
Skt.  putra,  Lat.  putus;  loc.  pi.  sufHx  -su,  Anc.  Pers. 
madai-suv-a,  Av.  aspae-su,  Skt.  a^ve-su,  O.  Lith. 
knygo-su,  O.  Bulg.  raka-chu;  I.  E.  *ud,  vjj,  Anc. 
Pers.  ud,  us  (=ud+s),  Av.  us,  (Mid.  Pers.  uz),  Skt. 
ud,  Grk.  (Cypr.)  v  (=€7rt  in  meaning),  as  iTo-repos,  late?' 
(=  Skt.  uttara),  Eng.  utter  (Goth,  ut);  L  E.  particle 
u  in  demonstr.  pron.  *so-u,  Anc.  Pers.  hauv,  YAv. 
hau,  Skt.  a-sau,  Grk.  ouro?. 

u. 

96.  I.  E.  u  remains  in  the  older  forms  of  the  de- 
rived languages  in  general;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *du  or  *deu, 
he  apart,  Anc.  Pers.  du-raiy,  A  v.  *dura  (New  Pers. 
dur,  Kurd,  dur),  Skt.  dura,  Grk.  (Hom.)  Sei;Va':  Grk. 
vvv  (vv),  Anc.  Pers.  nuram,  Av.  nursm,  nu,  Skt.  nu 
(Ved.  nu),  Germ,  nun,  nu,  A.  S.  nu,  nu. 

a. 

97.  I.  E.  9  became  i  in  the  Indo  Iranian  group,  but 
in  the  other  languages  a;  e.  (/.,  I.  E.  *p9ter,  father, 


52  The  Vowels.  [97-101 

Anc.  Pers.  pitar,  A  v.  pitar,  Skt,  pitar,  Gik.  T-arr/o, 
Lat.  pater,  Q.  Irish  athir,  Goth,  fadar,  O.  H.  G.  fater, 
Eng.  father.  The  I.  E.  suffix  *-9s  occurs  in  Anc. 
Pers.  hadis. 

Even  in  the  Indo-Iranian  languages  9  was  changed 
to  i  only  before  consonants,  while  the  diphthongs  ai 
and  9u  became  ai  and  au,  as  in  the  other  languages. 

ai. 

98.  I.  E.  ai  remained  ai  in  Anc.  Pers.,  as  also  in 
Grk.  (generally),  Lith.  (e),  and  Goth,  (ai),  becom- 
ing e  in  Skt.,  ae  in  Lat.  and  O.  Irish,  a  in  A.  S.,  and 
e  in  O.  Slav.;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *bheretai,  he  7jearft,  Anc. 
Pers.  vainataiy,  Av.  vaenaite,  Skt.  bharate. 

ei. 

99.  I.  E.  ei,  which  remained  in  Grk.  and  O.  Lat. 
(later  i)  and  Lith.  (e),  appearing  as  e  in  Skt.  and  O. 
Irish,  as  i  in  A.  S.  and  Goth.,  as  i  in  O.  Slav.,  be- 
came ae,  oi  in  Av.  and  ai  in  Anc.  Pers.;  e.  g.,  1.  E. 
*eiti,  /le  goes,  Anc.  Pers.  aitiy,  Av.  aeiti,  Skt.  eti, 
Grk.  eto-t,  Lat.  it  (it). 

ei. 

100.  I.  E.  ei  became  ai  in  Anc.  Pers.,  as  is  seen  in 
the  heavy  augmented  stem  ei  of  the  root  i,  go;  e.  //., 
I.  E.  *eym,  Anc.  Pers.  -ayam,  Skt.  ayam,  Grk.  ?/a 

(for  y]o.      r]j/ti). 

oi. 

loi.  I.  E.  oi,  found  us  oi  in  Grk.,  O.  Lat.,  and  O. 
Irish,  occurring  in  Skt.  as  e,  Goth,  ai,  A.  S.  a,  Lith. 
ai,  O.  Shiv.  e,  became  in  Anc.  Pers.  ai  (A v.  ae,  oi); 


loi-iosl  TiiK  Vowels.  53 

e.  (/.,  I.  E.  *oiwo,  o/h'^  Aiu-.  IVrs.  aiva,  Av.  aeva, 
Grk.  (Cypr. )  oi/ros.  80  the  pronomiaul  ending  nom, 
pi.  masc,  as  in  I.  E.  *toi,  t/iey,  Skt.  te,  Av.  te,  oc- 
curs in  Anc.  Pers.  tyaiy,  7/'//^,  from  oriirinal  stem 
*tyo.  The  I.  E.  opt.  sio:n  oi  (<o-i-)  appears  in  Anc. 
Pers.  vina^ayais  (Tolman  Cu?i.  Sup.  119),  Av.  barois, 
Skt.  bhares,  (irk.  <^€pots,  Goth,  bairais. 

au. 

102.  I.  E.  au  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  au;  e.  (/., 
I.  E.  *naus,  Anc.  Pers.  nau-  in  naviya  (New  Pers. 
nav),  Skt.  naus,  Grk.  vav<i  (     *vavs). 

eu. 

103.  I.  E.  eu,  retained  in  Grk.,  and  appearing  as  0 
in  Skt.  andX).  Irish,  as  ou  in  O.  Lat.  (later  u),  iu  in 
Goth.,  eo  in  A.  S.,  and  u  in  O.  Slav.,  became  au  in 
Anc.  Pers.,  as  also  in  Lith.,  Av.  ao  (au);  e.  r/.,  I.  E. 
*geus-,  taste,  Anc.  Pers.  daustar  (New  Pers.  dost), 
friend,  Skt.  jostar,  Grk.  yeva-rijfiLov,  Goth,  kiusan,  A. 
S.  ceosan,  choose;  I.  E,  high-grade  root  (120)  *bheu 
in  *bheweti,  lie  hecomes,  Anc.  Pers.  bavatiy  (subj.), 
Skt.  bhavati. 

eu. 

104.  I.  E.  eu  occurs  in  the  Indo-Irauian  group  as 
au;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *-eu,  ending  of  loc.  sg.  of  u-stems 
(286),  Anc.  Pers.  -au,  Skt.  -au,  as  in  Anc.  Pers.  babi- 
rauv  (272).  ga^ava. 

ou. 

105.  I.  v..  ou  became  au  in  Anc.  Pers.  and  had  the 
same  treatment  in  the  various  languages  as  eu  above, 


54  The  Vowels.  [105-107 

except  that  it  appears  as  au  in  (loth,  and  ea  in  A.  S. ; 
e.  9.,  ending  of  gen.  sg.  of  u-stenis,  I.  E.  *-ous,  Anc. 
Pers.  kur-aus,  Av.  vay-aos,  Skt.  sun-os. 

n,  m. 

106.  I.  E.  n  and  m  became  in  Lat,  en,  em,  Germanic 
un,  um,  Lith.  in,  im,  O.  Slav,  e  (in,  im),  but  in  the 
Aryan  languages  as  in  Grk,,  when  final  or  before 
consonants  except  semivowels,  they  became  a,  and 
before  vowels  and  semivowels  an,  am,  properl}^  rep- 
resenting nn,  mm.  Sometimes  they  are  written  nn, 
mm  before  vowels  and  n,  m  before  semivowels.  Some 
scholars  maintain  that  in  a  certain  number  of  cases  a 
residuum  of  the  reduced  vowel  remained,  and  accord- 
ingly write  ^n,  ^m,  holding  that  the  ®  is  represented 
in  Indo-Iranian  by  a,  and  the  consonants  n  and  m  re- 
mained. Examples  are:  I.  E.  *bhndhto,  hound^  Anc. 
Pers.  basta,  Av.  basta,  Skt.  baddha;  neg.  prefix,  I.  E. 
*n-,  *nn-,  Anc.  Pers.  a-,  an-,  Av.  a-,  an-,  Skt.  a-,  an-, 
Grk.  d-,  ctv-,  Germanic  un-,  Lat.  in-  (for  en-);  I.  E. 
*kmtom,  hundred^  Anc.  Pers.  ^ata-,  Av.  satam,  Skt. 
gatam,  Grk.  c-Kardv,  Lat.  centum,  Goth,  hund,  Lith. 
szimtas;  I.  E.  ^gipmyet,  luay  he  go^  Anc.  Pers.  a-jam- 
iya,  Skt.  gamyat. 

107.  I.  E.  final  m  after  consonants  in  the  ace.  sg. 
and  in  the  secondary  ending  of  the  1st  pers.  sg.  be- 
comes am  in  Lido-Iranian,  as  if  we  should  write  the 
antesonantal  mm;  e.  r/.,  Anc.  Pers.  asmanam  (  ,  I.  E. 
-n-m),  framataram,  (  I.  E.  -r-m),  vi^am  (<  L  E.  -m), 
aham(  :  I.E.  *es-m),  Skt.  asam.  These  forms  may 
have  been  influenced  by  those  ending  in  consonantal 
m,  as  kara-m,  abara-m.  The  Grk.,  on  the  other  hand, 
shows  only  a,  as  7ro8-a,  (Ilom.)  ^-a. 


loS-IIl]  TlIK    VCWKLS.  •'>5 

r,  1. 
io8.  I.  E.  r  in  the  derived  languages  was  treated 
differently,  according  to  its  position.  Before  conso- 
nants and  when  final  it  remains  as  r  m  Skt.,  appear- 
ino-  in  Av.  as  at  generally,  Grk.  ap  or  pa  (only  ap  hnal), 
La^t.  or  (ur),  Germanic  ur  (ru),  Balto-Slav.  ir.  Before 
vowels  it  becomes  in  Skt.  ur  or  ir,  Av.  ar,  Grk.  ap, 
Lat.  ar,  Germanic  ur.  Bait,  ir,  Slav.  ir.  In  Anc.  Pers. 
it  appears  as  ar  except  before  n;  e.  r/. ,  I.  E.  *prksk(h)o, 
Anc.  Pers.  aparsam,  Av.  pgrasami,  Skt.  prchami. 

I.  E.  rr  appears  in  Anc.  Pers.  tara-,  hci/otid,  YAv. 
taro,  Skt.  tiras. 

109.  I.  E.  r  becomes  u  in  Anc.  Pers.  before  n;  ^^  j/., 
Anc.  Pers.  akunavam,  Skt.  akrnavam,  and  this  weak 
stem  ku  was  carried  over  to  the  aor.  3d  sg.  akuta, 
Skt.  akrta,  and  aor.  1st  pi.  akuma. 

For  tins  approximation  of  I.  E.  r  to  the  sound  of 
u  in  Anc.  Pers.,  cf.  Tolman,  T/ie  Middle  Iranian 
Representation  of  1.  E.  r,  PAPA  45,  xviii.  ff. 

no.  The  treatment  of  1  in  the  various  languages  is, 
for  the  most  part,  analogous  to  that  of  r;  11  appears 
in  Anc.  Pers.  as  ar;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *pllu,  many,  Anc. 
Pers.  paru,  YAv.  pouru,  Skt.  puru. 


n,  in« 


III.  I.  E.  n  appears  as  a  in  Anc.  Pers.,  Av.  an  or  a, 

Skt.  an  or  a,°Grk.  va  (vr,),  Lat.  na;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *gn-na-, 
Inc.  Pers.  a-da-na  (New  Pers.  danaS),  Av.  zananti;  cf . 
Tolman  Can.  Sup.  §11,  Keller  KZ  39,  195.  To  sup- 
pose, as  Ilirt  does,  that  Skt.  janati  received  the  a  of 
the  root  from  the  participle  *jata,  I.  E.  *gn-to  {Ah- 
laut  321;  Brugm.  KVG  196.  Anm.  1)  is  very  difficult. 


56  The  Vowels.  [111-114 

We  could  hardly  imagine  a  participle  *zata  which 
became  obsolete  in  the  Aryan  period  and  yet  had  in- 
fluence enough  to  extend  its  long  vowel  to  the  present 
system.  The  I.  E.  n  doubtless  belongs  to  the  stem  of 
the  present  system.  Cf.  Reichelt  Aw.  Elem.  205; 
Keller  KZ  39,  p.  157. 

112.  I.  E.  m  has  the  same  treatment  as  n,  occurring 

o  o  '  ^ 

as  a  in  Anc.  Pers.,  Av.  am  or  a,  Skt.  am  or  a,  Grk. 
/xa  (fiiy),  Lat.  ma.  An  Anc.  Pers.  example  of  a  <  I.  E. 
m  is  probably  preserved  in  ga^u,  A  v.  gatu  (New  Pers. 
gah),  Skt.  gatu,  from  1.  E.  *gm-tu-.  See  Tolman 
Gun.  Suj).  §11,  Reichelt  KZ  31),  p.  26.  In  Skt.  ga- 
misyati  (I.  E.  *gem9-)  bears  the  same  relation  to  gatu 
(1.  E.  *gm-tu-)  as  bhavitum  (I,  E.  *bhew9-)  bears  to 
bhuta  (I.  E.  *bhu-).  Some  philologists  propose  an  I. 
E.  root  *ga  parallel  to  *gem,  but  this  is  only  pushing 
the  difficulty  back  to  an  earlier  stage,  as  Ilirt,  AUaut 
752,  has  shown.  Such  a  hypothetical  root  is  not  nec- 
essary even  to  explain  Skt.  agas,  agat.  Cf.  Reichelt 
KZ  39,  p.  40;  Tolman,  PAPA  46.  The  Skt.  sutu, 
hlrth^  shows  the  -tu  suffix  with  a  correspondingly  re- 
duced form  of  "base. 

f,T. 

O        0 

113.  I,  E.  r  appears  in  Av.  as  ar,  Skt.  ir  or  ur,  Grk. 
ptii  (op)^  Lat.  ra  (ar),  but  no  certain  example  of  Anc. 
Pers.  ar  <  L  E.  f  is  quotable. 

114.  I.  E.  1  became  in  Anc.  Pers.  ar,  as  also  in  Av., 
Skt.  ir  or  ur,  Grk.  Xa>  (oX),  Lat.  la  (al);  e.  g.,  L  E. 
*(ijgho,  loiig^  Anc.  Pers.  dargam,  Av.  darsya,  Skt. 
dirghas. 

No  examples  appear  in  Anc.  Pers.  of  I.  E.  ai,  bi, 
au,  ou,  ai,  qvl. 


us]  Tin:  \'()\vi:i.s.  57 

3.    INDO-EUKOrKAX    ACCKNT. 

115.  By  accent  is  meant  the  gradation  of  sound 
combinations  according  to  either  the  pitch  or  the 
stress  with  -which  they  are  uttered.  Pitch  accent, 
i.  (?.,  musical  or  chromatic  accent,  depends  on  the 
musical  tone  of  the  syllable  vowel;  stress  accent, 
called  also  expiratory  or  emphatic  accent,  depends  on 
the  force  or  energy  with  which  the  sylla])le  is  spoken. 
Where  pitch  accent  is  predominant,  we  may  expect 
the  vowel  sounds  to  be  preserved,  each  with  its  proper 
nnisical  value;  where  stress  accent  prevails,  the  tend- 
ency is  for  syllables  of  weaker  stress  to  be  slurred 
and  their  vowels  accordingly  weakened  or  even  lost. 
As  in  pitch  accent  every  syllable  has  its  musical  tone, 
so  in  stress  accent,  strictly,  no  part  of  the  S3dlable 
group  is  wholly  without  stress,  but  the  syllables 
merely  vary  in  the  degree  of  stress  placed  upon  them. 
Thus,  in  addition  to  the  principal  accent,  we  may  often 
distinguish  a  secondary  accent;  while,  more  for  con- 
venience than  for  accuracy,  the  remaining  syllables 
are  called  unaccented.  Regularly,  the  principal  and 
secondary  accents  do  not  fall  on  successive  syllables. 

That  both  systems  of  accentuation  operated  in 
Indo-European  is  evident.  And  from  the  phenomena 
discussed  below  under  Vowel  Gradation  (iigff),  it 
would  seem  that  in  the  earlier  period  of  the  parent 
speech  stress  accent  was  predominant  and  in  the 
later  period  pitch  accent.  In  fact,  both  systems  in 
some  degree  tind  their  way  into  the  derived  lan- 
guages, now  one,  now  the  other  prevailing.  In  San- 
skrit and  Ancient  Greek,  for  example,  pitch  accent 
prevailed,  and  the  accent  signs  of  these  languages  in- 
dicate the  rise  and  fall  of  nuisical  tone.     But  in  the 


oS  The  Vowels.  [115-118 

oldest  stage  of  the  Italic  dialects,  and  in  the  lano;uao;'e 
of  the  Keltic  and  Germanic  groups,  stress  accent  is 
predominant. 

116.  Syllable  accent  was  of  two  kinds.  A  syllable 
might  be  uttered  with  a  single  accent  point  from 
which  the  sound  declined  or  was  broken  off  by  a  con- 
sonant; or  there  might  be  a  fluctuation  of  sound  with- 
in the  syllable,  a  rise  and  fall  with  more  than  one  ac- 
cent point.  In  the  former  case  the  syllable  bore  the 
acute  accent;  in  the  latter,  the  circumflex. 

117.  "Word  accent  in  the  Indo-European  was  free, 
/.  <?.,  unrestricted  by  the  number  or  the  quantity  of 
the  syllables  of  the  word.  So  it  appears  in  Sanskrit, 
in  primitive  Germanic,  and  even  in  Greek  where  cer- 
tain forms  have  escaped  the  influence  of  the  later 
three-syllable  law. 

118.  Sentence  accent  also  existed  in  the  parent  lan- 
guage, such  as  the  distinctive  intonation  of  declara- 
tive and  interrogative  sentences  or  the  emphasizing 
of  certain  members  of  the  sentence  to  the  neglect  of 
others.  Any  word  falling  into  an  unemphatic  posi- 
tion might  lose  its  accent,  and  a  number  of  words 
whose  very  meaning  forced  them  to  such  a  position 
became  commonly  proclitics  or  enclitics.  Thus  pro- 
nominal forms  were  accented  or  not  according  to 
their  place  in  the  sentence;  the  vocative  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sentence  was  orthotone,  elsewhere  enclitic; 
finite  verb  forms  were  accented  at  the  beginning  of 
the  sentence,  but  elsewhere  were  sometimes  ortho- 
tone,  sometimes  enclitic;  and  nominal  and  adverbial 
elements  of  compounds  illustrate  the  same  principle. 


ii9-i2o|  Tiiio  N'owEr.s.  r><) 

4.    VOWKfi   CKADATION. 

119.  A'owcl  Gradation,  or  Ablaut,  is  tho  variation 
of  vowel  sounds  in  word  forms  ctyinoloofically  or  mor- 
phologically related — a  variation  resulting  from  laws 
operative  in  tho  Indo-European  period. 

Under  the  intiuence  of  Pitch  Accent  (115)  there 
came  a])out  changes  as  e:o  or  e:o,  tho  two  vowels  of 
dill'ercnt  musical  tones,  and  preserved  most  faithfully 
in  the  Greek,  e.  r/.,  ^e'pw,  <l>op6<;.  Such  a  change,  in- 
volving tho  quality  of  the  vowel,  is  called  qualitative. 

Under  the  influence  of  Stress  Accent  (115),  as  has 
been  said,  the  vowels  not  receiving  the  principal 
stress  were  modified  or  even  dropped;  e.  (/.,  Grk.  (jxop, 
^op6<i,  8i-<f>p-o?'  Anc.  Pers.  aitiy,  (I.  E.  *ei-ti),  -idly 
(I,  E.  *i-dhi).  This  kind  of  change,  involving  the 
quantity  of  the  vowel,  is  called  quantitative. 

120.  Vowels  which  received  the  principal  accent, 
and  therefore  kept  their  proper  value,  belong  to 
what  we  may  call  the  High  Grade  in  the  system  of 
Vowel  Gradation.  Those  receiving  the  secondary 
accent  and  those  remaining  unaccented  belong  to  the 
Low  Grade.  The  former  of  these  were  modified,  the 
latter  were  weakened  and  in  some  instances  eventually 
lost.  Thus  there  appear  Low  Grades  1  and  2,  the 
second  being  also  called  the  Nil  Grade.  For  short 
vowels  with  secondary  accent  the  modification  con- 
sisted in  a  reduction  of  quality  commonly  indicated 
by  e,  o,  nj  later,  how^evcr,  in  the  parent  speech  these 
vowels  seem  to  have  returned  to  their  original  quality 
and  then  to  have  followed  the  same  treatment  as  the 
High  Grade  e,  0,  a.     But  for  long  vowels  with  sec- 


60  The  ^"o^vELs.  [120-124 

ondary  accent  there  was  a  reduction  of  both  qualit}" 
and  quantity,  and  e,  0,  a  became  8. 

121.  The  Indo-European  lengthening  of  vowels 
gives,  further,  what  may  be  called  the  Extended 
Grade.  This  lengthening  occurred  by  way  of  com- 
pensation for  the  loss  of  a  following  syllable;  it  ap- 
pears also  in  the  change  of  e  to  e  in  the  singular  of 
the  s-aorist  (488). 

122.  Qualitative  differences  are  to  be  observed  in 
both  the  High  Grade  and  the  Extended  Grade,  and 
we  have  accordingly  High  Grade  1  and  2  and  Ex- 
tended Grade  1  and  2. 

123.  For  the  six  series,  called  the  e-,  0-,  a-,  e-,  0-, 
a-series,  these  changes  may  be  presented  in  tabular 
form  as  follows: 

Low  Grade. 

1.     2. 


High.  Grade. 

1.      2. 

e-series 

e 

0 

o-series 

0 

(0) 

a-series 

a 

0 

e-series 

e 

0 

o-series 

0 

(^ 

a-series 

a 

0 

Extended  Grade. 

1. 

2. 

e 

0 

0 

(0) 

a 

0 

9      - 

9 
9 

The  first  three  are  sometimes  called  light  series,  the 
last  three  heavy  (cf.  127).  The  e-series  is  of  special 
importance  on  account  of  the  frequency  of  its  occur- 
rence. It  appears  in  the  first  syllable  of  dissyllabic 
heavy  bases,  in  the  last  and  usually  the  first  syllable 
of  dissyllabic  light  bases;  also  in  many  monosjdlabic 
bases  (i27ff ). 

124.  The  following  roots  and  forms  will  illustrate 
these  ofrades: 


124  I 


Till':  Vowels. 


01 


O 


-3 

CO 

N 

-t-> 

lO 

J_, 

Pi 

O 

* 

A 

I  V 

^  ft 

Ck  Is 


ft  2 


t3  ft 
ft  -t^ 
*     <rf 


<^ 


<3i 


to 


a     do 


^!> 

1 

I         1 

'  ^     i 

1 

1 

1 

1         1 

1 

1 

*        -g- 

l» 

4> 

bO 

icS 

^ 

B 

1 

<bfl   ^ 

I 

1 

1 

lO   »3 

i"^    ^ 

1 

1 

* 

*           C5 

a 

0 

0 

1    1 

a 

Xi 

1 

S» 

Vh 

* 

T3 

,o 

ft 

rill 

I 

Xi 

1 

!3 

1 

*'     ^ 

*"  1 

T3 

-M 

"O 

4i! 

^  I- 

o  -d 
ft    b 


O     -<       O 


S-    S     <=! 
•o    ^ 


<=      ?^  X)     3 


fcJD 


xi 


* 


* 


■< 


w     w     w     w 


w 


5  « 

^  *.  jd   - 

1-;  O  »-i' 


10)      S^ 


w     w 


O) 


4) 
14) 


62 


The  \'owels. 


[124-126 


u 

o 

a 


c-i    -^ 


•^3 


CO 

09 


45  Ts  ^    =^ 


03 


(S     « 

QJ        > 

Q.-H 

0    tiC 

6 

s  ^ 

o3 

1        C3 
0     ■»^ 

0 

TJ 

^       © 

0^ 

l5  -a 

n 

1— 1  qS 

0) 

-w 

«f-i    © 

« 

c   be 

H 

^  ^ 


-4^  C3 

©  bH 

a  3 

03  ^ 

©  ^, 

;h  © 

®  ^ 

oc  ;-( 

o5  o 

-r3 


1> 

00 


0 

g 

>^ 

'^ 

<sj 

ej 

CC 

-o 

^ 
0 

>. 

wi 

t5 

k> 

d 

0) 

7D 

>. 

<>r 

W 

rh 

w 


CO 

a 

d 

I-hO 

0 

I 

TJ 

-*-J 

<m 

rt 

1 

'^ 

b£ 

5 

50Q 

*> 

/i 

> 

'> 

* 

~^ 

">■ 

0 

tid 

bJ 

1? 
0 

J 

1— 1 

-(J 

1—3 

oi 

'0 

C3 

be 


10 
* 


3   '<a 

4  5  '^ 

CO      * 


W       K 


'C« 


0 

© 

© 

o3 

1— ( 

•  • 

-fj 

"p- 

*> 

bfl 

1 

{/* 

-)-» 

^ 

!> 

-4-3 

0 

a> 

3 
■0- 

c3 

-J-3 

'^ 
^ 

<X5 

fl 

w 

<» 

^Th 

OJ 

^ 

^ 

© 

a 

'o 

73 

f-^ 

a> 

© 

.5 

S-l 

03 

© 

rt 

)l/3 

* 

r/3 
C3 

1 

0 
0 

0 

he 

ctf 

irt 

bfi 

5 

^ 
rt 
^ 

'^ 

^1 
-0- 

c3 

© 

© 
■r. 

K 

0" 

10 

03 

© 
© 

w 

1—3 

X 

© 

oT 

© 

laT 

, 

7: 

© 

iri 

© 

•  1— t 

vO 

<N 

'ut 

/ 

fH 

\  / 

<S 

!m 

M 

M 

.3 

© 

■^ 

00 

"^ 

M 

© 
cii 

126] 


The  Vowels. 


— 

^ 

1- 

a 

■o 

"3 

(. 

1 

1 

rt 

i<U 

"C! 

ifl" 

;5 

^ 

* 

^ 

* 

0) 

■/ 

'     *^ 

^ — ' 

--^ 

t— < 

n 

S 

^-'' 

cd 

hH 

!»i 

icd 

d 

w 

ic3 

103 

1153 

'CL, 

\-> 

TS 

M 

pi 


ijS      03 


C5     ^ 


do 


CO 


■M       M 

IV 

ID 

1-2 

rjj 

i-dhi) 
bhw-i-y 

a 

03 

.b 

o3 

io3 

r-;  * 

io3 

_>. 

fri      '=^ 

1 

fi 

h^ 

d 

•1—5 

W    bjo 

;h 

>-< 

E3 

r^^ 

Id 

d 

io3     g 

1 

M 
03 

03 

'd 

d 

03 

d   §> 
d  'rt 

ci3     J-" 

>. 

•Si,  <a 

'!i 

'153      &I 

.o 

V 


H 


'd 

03 


73 

o 

-d 
bD 

S 


44 


w 


<o 

^ 

<a 

^  '^ 

r;:^  Xi 

a    <u 

,,— ^ 

q^    ^ 

_,^ 

'^  ^ 

*.-^ 

i<i> 

43 

^  -s 

03 

T3 

hit) 

d 

H 

d^ 

ti    d 

1—5 

d    oj 

3  ^ 

03 

103 

5'§ 

03     w 

> 

-d 

ci3 

32 

^ 

0) 

03 

64  The  Vowels.  [127-129 

5.    BASES. 

127.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  changes  noted 
above  belong  both  to  root  syllables  and  to  suffixes,  as 
aitiy:  -idiy,  and  pita  (I.  E.  -ter)  :  brata  (I.  E.  -tor). 
These  are  sometimes  called  root  bases  and  suffix  bases. 
Root  bases  usually  have  no  more  than  two  syllables. 
;A  monosyllabic  root  base  is  called  heavy  if  its  vowel 
is  long,  light  if  its  vowel  is  short;  e.  g.^  the  root  da 
(I.  E.  *dhe)  is  heavy;  astiy  (I.  E.  *es-)  shows  a  light 
base.  The  first  syllable  of  a  dissyllabic  base  always 
has  a  short  vowel;  the  base  is  heavy  or  light,  then, 
according  as  the  vowel  of  its  second  syllable  is  long 
or  short;  e.  g.^  aparsam,  I.  E.  root  *perek,  has  a  light 
base,  w^hile  the  I.  E.  base  geme,  appearing  in  Low 
Grade  in  Anc.  Pers.  ga^u,  is  heavy  (cf.  112). 

128.  The  dissyllabic  base  did  not  admit  of  a  High 
Grade  vowel  in  both  syllables;  one  syllable  or  both 
must  be  of  Low  Grade;  e.  ^.,  from  the  1.  E.  root 
*geme,  go,  the  Skt.  gami-syati  from  the  base  *gem9 
shows  the  High  Grade  of  the  first  vowel  and  Low 
Grade  of  the  second;  w^hile  the  monosyllabic  *gm,  ap- 
pearing in  Anc.  Pers.  a-jam-iya,  results  from  Low 
Grade  of  both  vowels. 

In  the  Ancient  Persian  bara-,  Greek  <ii^p^-,  the  the- 
matic vowel  was  borrowed  from  forms  with  the  Low 
Grade  in  the  first  syllable.  Indo-European  *liqe 
would  be  regularly  Low  Grade  2  -\-  High  Grade  1. 
It  was  on  this  analogy  that  the  Indo-European  leiqe 
was  formed.  Otherwise  the  Indo-European  conjuga- 
tion would  show  *bher-ti  (of.  Skt.  bharti,  Lat.  fert), 
*bhr-nies.  But  the  transfer  to  thematic  formations 
was  made  in  the  Indo-European  period. 

129.  If  the  accent  fell  on  the  first  syllable  of  a 


129-131J  Thk  Vowels.  65 

heavy  dissyllabic  base,  the  long  vowel  of  the  second 
sy]lal)le  was  weakened  to  9;  but  if  the  accent  fell  on 
the  second  syllable,  this  long  vowel  was  preserved, 
and  the  short  vowel  of  the  first  syllable  was  lost;  e.  g.^ 
I.  E,  *bhewa,  he^  became  *bhew9,  from  which  comes 
the  Sanskrit  bhavi-tum;  but  *bhewa  became  *bhwa, 
appearing  in  the  Latin  -bam  <*-bhwam. 

130.  There  often  occur  different  forms  of  the  base 
for  the  same  root;  e.  (/.,  I.  E.  *bhere-  and  *bhere,  seen 
in  Grk.  ^^pt€,  Lat.  fert,  alongside  Grk.  efftprjaa  and 
Skt.  bhari-tram — which  serve  to  show  that  even  in 
the  Indo-European  period  the  final  element  of  the 
base  had  come  to  be  regarded  as  a  suffix. 

131.  The  following  bases  illustrate  the  differences 
of  vowel  grade: 

*q^e(i),  ride. 
H.  G.  1:  I.    E.  *q<9e(y),  Anc.    Pers.    xsaya^iya, 

Grk.   KTrjfJia. 

L.  G.  1:  I.  E.  *q^9(y),  Anc.  Pers.  patiyaxsayaiy 
(Dar.  NRa.  19,  Stolze's Phot. ,  Weissb.  Phot.), 
upariyaxsayaiy  (Bh.  4.  6.5,  Tolman  Lex.  85), 
Av.  xsayeiti,  Grk.  Kxao/xai. 

L.  G.  2:  I.  E.*q^i,Skt.  adhiksit. 

*tQ'wt,  family. 
H.  G.  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *tew,  Anc.  Pers.  tauma. 

*genie,  go. 
L.  G.  2 : 1.  E.  *gm  reduced  from  *geni9,  Anc.  Pers. 

ga^u  (cf.  112). 
L.  G.  2  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *gm,  Anc.  Pers,  -jam-iya 

(I.  E.  gmm-ye-t). 
H.  G.  +  L.'g.  2: 1.  E.  *gem,  A  v.  jantu,  Skt.  gantu. 
H.  G.  +  L.  G.  1 :  I.  E.  *gem9,  Skt.  gami-syati. 
5 


(;()  The  Vowels.  [131 

*geya,  conquer. 
L.  G. :  I.  E.  *gi,  Skt.  jita,  Anc.  Pers.  dita. 
H.   G.    +   L.    G.    1:    I.   E.    *gey9,    Skt.    jeman 

(<*jayi-man). 
L.  G.  1  +  H.  G.:  I.  E.  *geya,  Grk.  ^IR. 
L.  G.  2  +  H.  G.:   I.  E.  *gya,  Skt.  jya-syati, 

Grk.  tati. 

*geye(w),  Jive. 
L.  G.  1  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *gi(w),  Skt.  jivati,  Anc. 
Pers.  jiva,  Lat.  vivus. 

*ghene,  *ghene,  slay. 
H.  G.  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *ghen,  Anc.  Pers.  ajanam, 

Av.  jana-,  Skt.  hanti,  Grk.  <i>6vo<i. 
L.  G.  2  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *ghn,  Anc.  Pers.  -jata, 

Av.  jata-,  Skt.  hata,  Grk.  <^aros. 
H.  G.  +  L.  G.  1:  I.  E.  *ghen9,  Skt.  hanisyati. 

*gene,  know. 
L.  G.  2  +  H.  G. :  I.  E.  *gne,  Anc.  Pers.  xsnasatiy, 

Grk.  ytyvoJO-KO). 
L.  G. :  I.  E.  *gn,  reduced  from  *gen9,  Anc.  Pers. 

adana,  Av.  zan9nti,  Skt.  janati  (  ;*janati). 
L.  G.  2  +  L.  G.  1:  I.  E.  *gn9,  Mid.  Pers.  snutam, 

New  Pers.  sunudan,  hear. 

*perek,  ask. 
L.  G.  1  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *prk  (Petk),  Anc.  Pers. 

aparsam,  Skt.  prcchati,  O.  H.  G.  forsca. 
H.  G.  1  +  L.  G.  2°:  I.  E.  *perk,  Umbrian  persclo, 

O.  H.  G.  fergon. 

*bhewa,  *bhewe,  he. 
L.  G.  2  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *bhw-yet,  Anc.  Pers. 
b-iya,  Grk.  </>i;cns. 


131-134]  The  (.'oxsoxants.  67 

L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  ■■'bhu,  reduced  from  *bhcW8,  Skt. 

bhuta,  Grk.  «</>«. 
L.  G.  2  +  II.  G. :  I.  E.  *bhwam,  Lat.  -bam. 
H.  G.  +  L.  G.  1:  I.  E.  *bheva,  Skt.  bhavitum. 

*mene,  t/ii/il: 
H.  G.  +  L.  G.  2:  I.  E.  *men,  Anc.  Pers.  mani- 

yahay,  Skt.  manyate. 
L.  G. :  I.  E.  *mn,  reduced  from  *men9  (see  Reichelt 

KZ  39.  26),  Skt.  abhi-ma-tis. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Consonants. 

1.  the  indo-european  consonant  system. 

132.  The  Indo-European  Consonants  may  be  di- 
vided into  Explosives,  Nasals,  Liquids,  Semivowels, 
and  Spirants. 

133.  The  Explosives  are  formed  by  a  complete  ob- 
struction of  the  breath  passages  and  are  called  Velar, 
Palatal,  Dental,  or  Labial,  according  as  the  obstruc- 
tion is  produced  by  the  soft  palate,  the  hard  palate, 
the  teeth,  or  the  lips. 

134.  If  the  vocal  chords  cease  to  vibrate  at  the  time 
of  this  breath  obstruction,  the  explosive  is  voiceless 
or  tenuis;  if  the  vibration  of  the  vocal  chords  con- 
tinues, the  explosive  is  voiced  or  media.  When  ex- 
plosives are  aspirated,  they  become  merely  the  equiv- 
alent of  the  tenues  or  medite  followed  by  aspiration: 
kh,  th,  ph,  for  instance,  are  not  spirant  sounds,  but 
rather  like  the  M,  t/i,  ph  of  the  English  words /)a<?^- 
horse^  Jiothouse^  vphold. 


68  The  Consonants.  [135-138 

135.  The  Velars,  less  accurately  designated  Gut- 
turals, are  so  called  from  the  fact  that  the  breath  ob- 
struction is  made  by  the  base  of  the  tongue  with  the 
lower  or  soft  palate  {velum).  They  are  thus  distin- 
guished from  the  Palatals,  in  which  the  obstruction 
is  made  by  the  middle  part  of  the  tongue  with  the 
upper  or  hard  palate.  The  velar  sounds,  again,  may 
be  changed  in  pronunciation  by  a  rounding  of  the 
lips,  in  which  case  they  are  called  Labio- Velars;  in 
distinction  from  these  the  velars  without  such  lip 
modification  are  called  Pure  Velars. 

136.  The  Dental  sounds  are  produced  by  bringing 
the  end  of  the  tongue  to  the  upper  part  of  the  teeth. 
The  so-called  dentals  of  English,  except  when  they 
become  spirantal,  are  strictly  not  teeth  sounds,  but 
alveolars;  i.  e.^  they  are  made  by  bringing  the  end  of 
the  tongue  just  above  and  near  the  roots  of  the  teeth. 

137.  The  Nasals  are  formed  by  keeping  the  nasal 
passages  open  while  the  breath  is  obstructed  either  by 
the  tip  of  the  tongue  slightly  back  of  its  position  for 
dental  explosives  (n),  or  by  the  lips  (m).  The  dental 
nasal  n,  like  n  (85),  became  velar  or  palatal  before  the 
corresponding  explosives.  As  the  end  of  the  tongue 
moves  back  from  the  position  required  for  the  dental 
nasal,  the  Liquid  1,  then  r,  is  produced.  The  fact  that 
the  nasal  passages  are  open  while  the  breath  obstruc- 
tion is  produced  only  by  the  tongue  or  the  lips,  makes 
it  possible  for  the  nasals  and  liquids  to  occur  as  either 
consonants  or  vowels. 

138.  Just  as  consonantal  nasals  and  liquids  may,  by 
a  partial  opening  of  the  breath  passages,  become  vo- 
calic, so  vowels,  by  a  partial  closing  of  the  passages, 
may  become  consonantal  in  value;  they  are  then  called 


138-140]  The  Consonants.  01) 

semivowels.  The  semivowel  occurs  always  in  con- 
junction with  a  vowel,  thus  forming  a  diphtliong  of 
which  the  full  vowel  ahva3^s  bears  the  accent.  The 
diphthong  is  said  to  be  rising  or  falling  according  as 
the  full  vowel  is  its  second  or  first  element. 

139.  The  Indo-Eiu'opean  Consonant  sounds  are 
presented  in  the  following  table: 


P\ire 

Lablo- 

Velar. 

Velar. 

Palatal. 

Dental. 

Labial. 

Tenues                      q 

q- 

k 

t 

P 

Tenues  Aspiratse    qh 

q"h 

kh 

th 

ph 

^Mediae                       g 

g^^ 

k 

d 

b 

^ledise  Aspirat.e     gh 

g"h 

gh 

dh 

bh 

Nasals                   n(i37) 

n(i37) 

n 

m 

Liquids 

1,  r 

Semivowels 

y 

w 

cj  .       .     (  Surd 
Spirants  -,  ^ 

(  Sonant 

s 
z 

Note. — We  omit  from  the  table  certain  Indo-European 
sounds  occurring  only  in  unusual  combinations,  as  6  with 
q  or  k,  and  d  with  g  or  g;  sh  and  zh  resulting  from  combina- 
tion of  aspirated  explosives  with  s  by  transfer  of  aspiration; 
e.  g.,  tsh  <  ths,  psh  ^ '  phs,  dzh  dhs,  bzh  bhs;  and  6h 
with  q  or  k,  f'h  Avith  g  or  g,  l)y  transfer  of  aspiration  from  the 
older  qhfl,  kh^,  ghc5,  ghr.  While  these  Indo-European  spi- 
rants d,  rS,  Oh.,  (5h  became  t-sounds  in  Greek,  they  are  i-epre- 
sented  in  Indo-Iranian,  as  well  as  in  the  Latin,  Germanic, 
and  Balto-Slavouic  groups  by  s-sounds.  This  sound  in  Ary- 
an, as  in  the  case  of  original  s,  became  s  after  q  (190);  c.  g., 
I.  E.  *q'^e(i),  rule,  Grk.  Krijua ,  Anc.  Pers.  xsaya^ya,  Av. 
xsayeiti,  Skt.  ksayati. 

140.  Sat9m  and  Centum  Groups.  The  Aryan  lan- 
guages show  no  distinction  between  Pure  Velars  and 
Labio- Velars.     This  subject  raises  the  question  of 


70  The  Coxhoxants.  [140-141 

Indo-European  dialects  or  "plural  taugencies."  Since 
the  Aryan,  the  Armenian,  and  the  Balto-Slavonic  show 
no  difference  of  the  velars,  it  can  reasonably  be  sup- 
posed that  such  distinction  would  not  appear  in  that 
portion  of  Indo-European  territory  whence  these 
languages  arose.  The  Labio -Velar,  on  the  other 
hand,  existed  in  that  territory  from  which  proceeded 
the  Greek,  Italic,  Keltic,  and  Teutonic,  since  this 
phenomenon  is  reflected  in  these  tongues.  Further- 
more, the  Aryan,  Armenian,  and  Balto-Slavonic 
show  the  tendency  of  palatals  to  become  sibilants, 
while  the  Greek,  Italic,  Keltic,  and  Teutonic  show 
the  velar.  Hence  two  great  divisions  of  the  Indo- 
Em'opean  languages  are  commonly  recognized;  the 
sat9m  group  where  k  became  s,  as  in  I.  E.  kmtom 
which  appears  as  Av.  satam,  Skt.  gatam;  and  the  cen- 
tum group  where  k  became  q  (c,  k)  as  in  the  Lat. 
centum,  Grk.  i-Karov. 

2.  a.  Treatment  of  Indo-European  Velars  in  Aryan. 

141.  I.  E.  q,  which  became  Grk.  k  (initially  and 
in  general  medially),  Lat.  and  O.  Ir.  c,  appears  as 
k  in  Aryan,  as  in  other  languages  of  the  satam 
group;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *qer,  vtah',  Skt.  kr,  Anc.  Pers. 
kar,  Av.  kar  (New  Pers.  kardan),  Grk.  Kpaivui,  Lat. 
creo. 

I.  E.  q",  as  has  ])een  said  (140),  in  Aryan  fell  to- 
gether with  the  pure  velar  q.  In  Lat.  it  became 
qu  before  other  vowels  than  u,  c  before  u  and  con- 
sonants. In  Grk.  it  appears  as  t  before  i  and  e,  k  be- 
fore and  after  v,  with  y  it  forms  atr  (tt),  and  else- 


141-144I  The  Consonants.  71 

where  occurs  as  tt.  Tims,  I.  E.  *q"o,  *q"e,  n'lio^  Skt. 
ka,  Anc.  Pers.  ka,  -kaiy  (loc.  s<r  in  adakaiy  351,  574), 
Av.  ka,  (Now  Tors,  ki,  O.s.s.  ka),  Grk.  Trdrepo?,  Horn. 
rio,  Lat.  quod. 

qh,  q"h. 

142.  These  two  sounds,  which  occui-red  but  rarely 
in  I.  E.,  appear  in  Aryan  as  kh.  In  Grk.  qh  became 
X>  in  Lat.g,  h,  while  q"h  had  the  same  treatment  as 
g"h  (144)  in  these  lan2'uao;es;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *konqho, 
conch-shelly  Skt.  gankha,  (irk.  ^oyxos,  Lat.  congius; 
I.  E.  sq'^hal,  y^//,  Skt.  skhalati,  Grk.  cr<i>6.\XofmL. 

g»  g"- 

143.  I.  E.  g,  which  appears  as  g  in  Lat.,  O.  Ir., 
Lith.,  Old  Slav.,  in  Grk.  y  (initially  and  generally 
medially),  Germanic  k,  remained  g  in  Aryan;  e.  g., 
I.  E.  *jugo,  (/oh',  Skt.  yuga,  Grk.  ^vy6v,  Lat.  iugum, 
Goth.  juk. 

I.  E.  g",  which  fell  together  with  1.  E.  g  in  Aryan, 
became  in  Lat.  v,  but  when  the  labial  was  lost,  g, 
and  gu  after  n,  O.  Ir.  b,  Germanic  kw,  k.  In  Grk.  it 
became  8  before  e,  y  before  and  after  v,  wdth  y  it 
formed  ^,  and  elsewhere  appears  as  yS;  e.  g.,  I.  E. 
g'^ous,  Skt.  gau,  Anc.  Pers.  gau-,  Av.  gau,  Grk.  ^ovs, 
Umbr.  bue  (whence  is  borrowed  Lat.  bos,  which 
otherwise  should  be  *vos),  O.  II.  G.  chuo,0.  Ir.  bo. 

gh,  g"li. 

144.  I.  E,  gh,  which  appears  as  x  iu  Grk.,  Lat. 
g  l)efore  and  after  consonants,  elsewhere  h,  O.  Ir. 
g,  in  Lith.  and  O.  Slav,  with  the  same  treatment 
as  g,  occurs  as  gh  in  Aryan;  <-.  g.,  Skt.  dirgha,  long, 


72  The  Consonants.  [144-145 

Anc.  Pers.  dargam,  GAv.  daraga,  YAv.  dara-ya,  Grk. 

BoXi\6<;. 

I.  E.  g"h,  which  fell  together  with  1.  ¥j.  gh  iu  Ary- 
an, appeared  in  Lat.  as  f  initially,  v  medially  (but  gu 
after  n),  in  Lith.  and  O.  Slav,  with  the  same  treat- 
ment as  g.  In  Grk.  it  became  0  })efore  e,  x  before 
and  after  v,  with  y  it  formed  aa-  (tt),  and  elsewhere 
occurs  as  ^;  e.  ^.,  I.  E.  g"h^  'otmo,  nvwu/,  Skt.  gharma, 
Anc.  Pers.  garma-,  Av.  garama,  Grk.  Oepfxos,  Lat. 
formus. 

Note. — Since  in  the  Aryan  gx'oup  the  original  Labio- Velar 
sounds  were  no  longer  distinguished  from  the  Pure  Velars 
(140),  from  this  point  in  the  present  work  the  two  classes  will 
regularly  be  designated  by  the  neutral  signs  q,  qh,  g,  gh. 

b.  The  Aryan  Palatal  Law. 

145.  It  must  be  observed  that  for  the  Ai-yan  lan- 
guages, in  addition  to  the  changes  noted  above,  there 
occurred  a  palatalization  of  the  velars  before  palatal 
vowels,  i.  (?.,  before  1  (y)  and  the  a  which  represents 
I.  E.  e  (89,  90).  In  such  positions  (i)  q  became  fii'st 
k  and  through  this  c  (Ii'an.  c),  (2)  g  through  g  became 
j  (Iran,  j),  and  (3)  gh  through  gh  became  jh  (Iran,  j, 
Skt.  h).  The  following  examples  will  illustrate  this 
law: 

(1)  I.  E.  *qjeu,  inove,  Anc.  Pers.  asiyavaiii(<*acy- 
avam),  Skt.  cyavate,  Grk.  ia-o-vro-,  I.  E.  *qid,  afiy, 
Anc.  Pers.  -ciy  (Mid.  Pers.  ci.  New  Pers.  cih),  Av. 
-cit,  Skt.  -cid,  Grk.  n;  I.  E.  *-qe,  and,  Anc.  Pers.  -ca, 
Av.  -ca,  Skt.  -ca,  Grk.  re,  Lat.  -que. 

(2)  I.  E.  *gei,  I/ve,  Anc.  Pers.  jiva,  Av.  jivaiti,  Skt. 
jivati,  Lith.  gyvas,  O.  Ir.  beo,  Grk.  ySt'os,  Lat.  vivus. 


I45"i49l  TiiK  Consonants.  7'] 

('.])  J.  E.  *ghen,  niii!f(\  Am-.  ]*ers.  ajanam,  Av. 
jainti,  Skt.  hanti  (but  pi.  ghnanti),  (iik.  Qdvw. 

c.  Aryiin  Velars  in  Ancient  Persian. 

k. 

146.  In  Anc.  Pers.,  as  in  Av.,  Aryan  k  remained  k 
before  sonants  but  became  x  >)efore  consonants;  e.  </., 
Anc.  Pers.  ka,  vho  (New  Pers,  ki),  Av.  ka,  Skt.  ka; 
Anc.  Pers.  kar,  inal'e^  A  v.  kar,  Skt.  kr;  Anc.  Pers. 
xsap,  nighty  YAv.  xsap,  Skt.  ksap;  Anc.  Pers.  xsa^'a, 
kingdom^  Av.  xsa^a,  Skt.  ksatra. 

kh. 

147.  Aryan  kh  appears  in  Anc.  Pers.  and  Av.  as  x, 
but  when  preceded  by  a  sibilant  and  followed  by  a 
sonant  it  became  k;  e.  </.,  Anc.  Pers.  h.a.x.a.-,  friend^ 
YAv.  haxi,  Skt.  sakhi;  Anc.  Pers.  kan,  dig  (New 
Pers.  kandan),  YAv.  kan,  Skt.  khan.  (Perhaps 
Aiyan  *skhan.) 

g- 

148.  Aryan  g  remains  g  in  Anc.  Pers.  (GAv.  g, 
whieh  became  YAv.  y  unless  initial  or  preceded  by  a 
nasal  or  a  sibilant);  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers,  ga^u,  jiJace^ 
(New  Pers.  gah),  Av.  gatu,  Skt.  gatu;  Anc.  Pers. 
baga,  god^  YAv.  baya,  Skt.  bhaga. 

gh. 

149.  Aryan  gh  became  Anc.  Pprs.  g  (GAv.  g,  which 
became  YAv.  y  unless  initial  or  preceded  by  a  nasal 
or  a  sibilant);  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  dargam,  long^  GAv. 
daraga,  YAv.  daraya,  Skt.  dirgha;  Anc.  Pers.  gausa, 


74  The  Consonants.  [149-153 

em\  YAv.  gaosa,  Skt.  ghosa;  Anc.  Pers.  garma-,  lieat^ 
Av.  garama,  Skt.  gharma. 

d.  Aryan  Palatalized  Velars  in  Ancient  Persian, 
c. 

150.  Aryan  c  remained  c  in  Anc.  Pers.  except  be- 
fore y,  where  it  was  changed  to  s  as  in  Av.;  e.  g.,  I. 
E.,  *-qe,  and^  Anc.  Pers.  -ca,  Av.  -ca,  Skt.  -ca;  I.  E. 
*qyeu,  move^  Anc.  Pers.  asiyavam,  GAv.  syu,  Skt.  cyu. 

J- 

151.  Aryan  j  remained  j  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  in  GAv. 
(but  on  its  pronunciation  see  68);  in  YAv.  it  became 
z  (instead  of  z)  except  when  initial  or  after  sibilants 
and  nasals;  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *gei,  Uve^  Anc.  Pers.  jiva, 
Av.  jivaiti,  Skt.  jivati;  Skt.  bhajati,  he  sha?\'s,  YAv. 
bazat. 

jh. 

152.  Aryan  jh  became  j  in  Anc.  Pers.,  as  in  GAv.; 
in  YAv.  it  became  z  (instead  of  z)  except  when  initial 
or  after  sibilants  and  nasals;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *ghen,  smite^ 
Anc.  Pers.  ajanam,  Av.  jainti,  Skt.  hanti;  Anc.  Pers. 
duruj,  //V%  GAv.  druj  (Mid.  I\'rs.  druzitan),  Skt.  druh; 
Skt.  dahati,  he  Ihdis^  YAv.  dazaiti. 

3.  a.  Indo-European  Palatals  in  Aryan. 

A 

k. 

153.  The  tendency  of  the  Indo-European  palatals 
to  become  si])ilant  in  Aryan  has  been  mentioned 
above  (140).  Thus  I.  E.  k  which  ap]ieared  in  Grk. 
as  K,  Lat.  and  O.  Ir.  c,  became  in  Aryan  s  (the  Skt.  9); 


153-156]  TlIIO   CONSOXAXTS.  T.'i 

e.  </,,  T.  E.  *weik,  dioell^  Ski.  vi^,  A\ .  vis,  Grk.  /ro:»<os, 
Lat.  vicus;  I,  K.  *kmtom,  hundred,,  Skt.  Qatam,  Av. 
satsm,  (irk.  e-KaroV,  Lai.  centum. 

kh: 

154.  This  was  a  very  rare  sound  in  Indo-European. 
It  appears  in  Greek  as  X'  and  is  not  distinoriushed  in 
the  Germanic,  Keltic,  and  Balto-Slavonic  groups 
from  original  k.  Since  in  Sanskrit  it  is  found  only 
in  original  skh,  which  became  ch,  we  cannot  be  sure 
what  its  Aryan  form  would  have  been  outside  this 
combination;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *skhid,  split ^  Skt.  chid,  Av. 
sid,  (irk.  o-xt?«,  Lat.  scindo. 

g- 

155.  I.  E.  g,  which  remained  in  Lat.  and  O.  Ir., 
also  in  Grk.  (initially  and  in  general  medially),  ap- 
pearing in  Germanic  as  k,  Lith.  z,  and  O.  Slav,  z,  be- 
came in  Aryan  z  (Skt.  j);  e.  //.,  I.  E.  *gen,  'beget^ 
Aryan  *zana,  man  (<*zan,  give  hirtli)^  Anc.  Pers. 
paruv-zana,  Av.  zan,  Skt.  jan,  Grk.  yeVos,  Lat.  .genus; 
I.  E.  *geus,  tai<te^  Skt.  jostar,  Av.  zaosa,  Grk.  yerw; 
I.  E.  *gno,  Icnow^  Skt.  jiia,  Grk.  ycyvwo-Kw,  Lat.  gnosco. 

gh. 

156.  I.  E.  gh,  which  appears  as  g  in  O.  Ir.,  in  Lat. 
g  l)efore  and  after  consonants,  f  initially  before  u, 
and  elsewhere  h,  Lith.  z,  O.  Slav,  z,  (irk.  x,  became 
zh  in  Aryan,  which  in  Skt.  became  h  (through  jh), 
and  in  Iranian  fell  together  with  z,  becoming  z  (159): 
e,  (/.,  I.  E.  *bhaghu,  arm.,  Skt.  bahu,  A  v.  bazu,  Grk. 
7r^X^55  I-  E.  *dheigh,  heap  up.,  Skt.  dehi,  rampart., 
YAv.  diz  (New  Pers.  diz),  Grk.  Ttixo<ii  I^at.  fingo, 
Goth,  deigan. 


70  The  Consonants.  [157-158 

b.  Treatment  in  Ancient  Persijui  of  Aryan  Spirants 
Representing  Indo-European  Palatals. 


157.  The  Primitive  Aryan  s,  from  I.  E.  k,  became 
in  Anc.  Pers.  B  or  s  ])efore  vowels  and  most  conso- 
nants, s  instead  of  9  seems  to  have  been  borrowed 
from  other  dialects,  as  in  the  case  of  z  for  d,  158  (a). 
In  Av.  the  sound  becomes  s  before  vowels  and  most 
consonants,  but  occasionally  in  YAv.  also  it  is  written 
as  B  before  vowels.  Examples  are:  Anc.  Pers.  vi^am 
(v'^am),  ixilace^  Av.  vis9m,  Skt.  viQam;  Anc.  Pers. 
^atiy,  he  say s^  Av.  sah,  Skt.  Qans;  Anc.  Pers.  a^a"gaina, 
of  stone ^  YAv.  as9nga  (New  Pers.  sang),  Skt.  agani; 
Anc.  Pers.  ^ata-,  Jiundred^  YAv.  sata  (New^  Pers., 
Kurd.,  sad,  Oss.  sada),  Skt.  gata;  Anc.  Pers.  asman, 
stone^  YAv.  asman  (New  Pers.  asman),  Skt.  agman; 
Anc.  Pers.  vasiy,  at  will,,  Av.  vaso,  Skt.  vagas. 

(a)  Aryan  s  became  Anc.  Pers.  s  before  n;  e.  r/., 
vasna,  will;  cf .  vasiy  above. 

(b)  Aryan  s  became  Anc.  Pers.  s  before  t,  as  in  Av. ; 
e.  (/.,  ufrasti,  severe  punishment  (Tolman  Lex.  76), 
ufrasta  (variant  ufrasta  (192,  a),  Tolman  Lex.  76), 
well  punished. 

(c)  Aryan  sr  appears  as  B''  in  niya^'arayam,  root  ^""i, 
lean^  YAv.  sri,  Skt.  gri. 

(d)  Both  I.  E.  sk(h)  and  ksk(h)  became  in  Anc. 
Pers.  s;  e.  g. ,  Anc.  Pers.  arasam,  /  came.,  Skt.  rchati, 
I.  E.  suffix  *-skh-e-ti;  I.  E.  *prk-sk(h)o,  /  asi^  Skt. 
prchami,  Anc.  Pers.  aparsam,  A^ .  parQsami. 

z<g. 

158.  Aryan  z,  rc})resenting  1.   E.  g,  became  .\nc. 


158-159]  TlIK    C'ONSOXANTS.  77 

IVis.  d  or  z.  ]t  is  liktly  that  this  d  was  pronounced 
as  a  spirant,  /.  (.,  8.  In  Av.  z  became  z,  and  in  Skt. 
j.  Examples  are:  Anc.  Pers.  paruvzana,  jHjpnlom 
(<*zan),  Av.  zan,  Skt.  jan;  Anc.  Pers.  daustar, 
friend^  Av.  zaosa,  Skt.  jostar;  Anc.  Pers.  adana,  le 
hiew,  YAv.  zananti,  Skt.  janati;  Anc.  Pers.  drayah, 
sm,  Av.  zrayah,  Skt.  jrayas;  Anc.  Pers.  ayadaiy,  1 
icors/u'jM  (/ {Tohnan  Z<;r.  12U),  A  v.  yaz,  Skt.  yaj. 

(a)  Anc.  Pers.  z  from  Aryan  z  seems  to  belong  par- 
ticularly to  words  occurring  in  formulaic  expressions, 
probably  borrowed  from  other  dialects,  but  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  it  survives  in  ^lodern  Persian;  so 
vazarka  in  the  formula  xsaya^iya  vazarka,  Mod. 
Pers.  buzurg. 

(b)  The  pronunciation  of  d  as  a  spirant  is  indicated 
in  the  writing  of  mudraya,  Egypt^  for  the  Bab.  mi-sir, 
Elam.  muzzariya;  cf.  Grk.  Mvo-pa  (Steph.  Byz. ). 

(c)  Aiyan  zn,  Ii'.  sn,  at  the  beginning  of  a  word  is 
represented  in  Anc.  Pers.  by  xsn-,  as  in  the  root  xsna, 
liimc;  cf.  Av.  xsna  (-sna-),  Skt.  jna,  Grk.  (Epir. ) 
yvcio-Kw,  Lat.  (g)nosco. 

zh  <  gh. 

159.  Aiyan  zh  representing  I.  E.  gh,  as  mentioned 
above  (156),  fell  together  with  Aryan  z  and  became 
L-anian  z,  appearing  in  Anc.  Pers.  d  or  z,  Av.  z  (158); 
e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  adam,  /,  Av.  azam,  Skt.  aham  (I.  E. 
*eg(h)o(m) ;  Anc.  Pers.  dida,  rampart^  Av.  diz,  Skt. 
dehi;  Anc.  Pers.  -gaudaya,  hide^  YAv.  guz,  Skt.  guh; 
Anc.  Pers.  u-zm-ay-a  ( <  *zam,  eartli)^  Grk.  xitlixa.. 


/ 


78  The  Consonants.  [160-163 

4.  a.  Indo-European  Dentals  in  Aryan. 

t. 

160.  I.  E,  t  remained  t  in  Aryan,  as  in  most  of  the 
other  derived  languages,  as  Lat.,  Lith.,  O.  Slav.,  O. 
Ji'.  (t  or  th),  Grk.  (generally);  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *eti,  be- 
yond, Skt.  ati,  Anc.  Pers.  atiy,  YAv.  aiti,  Grk.  en, 
Lat.  at,  etiam;  I.  E.  *esti,  he  is,  Skt.  asti,  Anc.  Pers. 
astiy,  Av.  asti,  Grk.  tcrrL,  Lat.  est;  I.  E.  ^-pdler,  fat /u'/\ 
Skt.  pitar,  Anc.  Pers.  pilar,  Grk.  TraTrjp,  Lat.  pater; 
I.  E.  pronom.  stem  *to-,  f/us,  Skt.  tarn,  Anc.  Pers. 
ai-ta,  Av.  t9m,  Grk.  to,  Lat.  tarn. 

th. 

161.  The  rare  I.  E.  sound  th  was  preserved  un- 
changed in  Aryan,  as  also  in  Grk.  (6),  while  in  the 
primitive  period  of  other  languages  it  fell  together 
with  other  dentals,  with  dh  in  Lat.  and  with  t  in 
Germanic,  Keltic,  and  Balto-Slav. ;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *woit- 
tha,  yon  l'7ww,  Skt.  vettha,  Grk.  {f)ol(T0a. 

d. 

162.  I.  E.  d  remained  d  in  Aryan,  as  in  practically 
all  the  other  derived  languages  (Lat.,  O.  Ir.,  Lith., 
O.  Slav.,  Grk.  generally,  but  Germanic  t);  e.  g.,  I. 
E.  *do,  give,  Skt.  da,  Anc.  Pers.  da,  Av.  da,  Grk.  St- 
Sw/Ai,  Lat.  do;  I.  E.  *sed,  Hit,  Skt.  sad,  Anc.  Pers.  had, 
YAv.  had,  Grk.  eSos,  Lat.  sedeo,  O.  Ir.  suide,  Goth, 
sitan. 

dh. 

163.  I.  E.  dh  remained  as  dh  in  Aryan,  while  in 
the  Keltic  and  Balto-Slav.  groups  it  became  d,  in  (Jrk. 
6,  and  in  Lat.  initially  f,  medially  b  before  1  and  r, 


163-165]  TiiK  Consonants.  71) 

and  after  r  and  u,  elsewhere  d;  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *dhe,/>w^, 
Skt.  dha,  Gik.  ^?/o-w,  Lut.  feci,  con-do;  I.  E.  *rudhros, 
red^  Skt.  rudhira,  Grk.  ipv6p6s,  Lat.  ruber;  I.  E. 
"kludhi,  /u(fr  t/tou^  Skt.  grudhi,  Grk.  kAv^c. 

b.  Ai'yau  Dentals  in  Ancient  Persian. 


164.  Aryan  t  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.,  as  also  in 
Av.,  regularly  before  vowels  and  after  sibilants,  but 
before  consonants  it  became  0;  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  atiy, 
heyond,  Av.  aiti,  Skt.  ati;  Anc.  Pers.  astiy,  Jie  iv,  Av. 
asti,  Skt.  asti;  Anc.  Pers.  -^itax ,  father^  Av.  pitar,  Skt. 
pitar;  Anc.  Pers.  ai-ta,  thi><^  Av.  tarn,  Skt.  tarn;  Av. 
ustra,  Anc.  Pers.  usa-  (cf.  Tolman  Le.r.  78),  Skt.  ustra; 
I.  E.  *twe,  thee.,  Anc.  Pers.  ^uvam  (for  *^vam),  GAv. 
^am,  Skt.  tvam. 

(a)  Aryan  ty  became  in  Anc.  Pers.  sy  (written  sly) 
in  hasiya  (for  *hasya),  Av.  hai^ya,  Skt.  satya. 

(b)  The  Anc.  Pers.  pronoun  tya,  which  regularly 
would  have  been  in  Iranian  *^ya  (>*siya),  probably 
takes  its  form  after  the  analogy  of  the  demonstrative 
ta  (cf.  Tolman  Ltj-.  94).  In  the  Anc.  Pers.  martiya 
(Av.  masya,  Skt.  martiya)  iy  must  have  been  pro- 
nounced as  a  separate  syllable,  as  in  the  Veda. 

(c)  Aryan  to  became  so  in  Anc.  Pers.;  e.  f/.,  aniy- 
asciy,  any  other  (for  *aniyat-ciy),  Skt.  anyaccid. 

165.  Aryan  tr  was  written  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  ^'■;  e.  g.^ 
Anc.  Pers.  xsa^''a,  Jiingdom^  A  v.  xsa^ra,  Skt.  ksatra; 
Anc.  Pers.  ci^^  lineage.,  Av.  ci^a,  Skt.  citra;  Anc. 
Pers.  ^"itiya,  third,  YAv.  ^itya,  Skt.  trtiya  (for 
*tritiya);  Anc,  Pers.  pu^'"a,  son.,  Av.  pu^a,  Skt.  putra; 
Anc.  Pers.  pi^"'a,  of  a  fat  her .,  Grk.  Trarpo's. 


80  The  Consonants.  [165-169 

Note. — m'^ra,  Skt.  mitra,  is  thus  Avritten  in  the  insci'iption 
Artaxerxes  Persepolis  a  (aa.  ac,  ad)  25,  b  23,  and  in  Artaxerxes 
Susa  a  4  and  5.     Cf.  69,  and  514,  (d). 

th. 

166.  In  Anc.  Pers.,  as  in  Av.,  Aryan  th  became  6, 
but  when  preceded  by  a  sibilant  and  followed  by  a 
sonant  it  was  changed  to  t;  e.  (/.,  Anc.  Pers.  ya^a, 
tvhen,  Av.  ya^a,  Skt.  yatha;  Anc.  Pers.  sta,  stand, 
Av.  sta,  Skt.  stha. 

d. 

167.  Aryan  d  remained  d  in  Anc.  Pers.  (GAv.  d, 
which  })ecame  YAv.  S  unless  initial  or  preceded  by  a 
nasal  or  a  sibilant);  e.  g.,  Anc.  Pers.  da,  (///v>,  Av.  da, 
Skt.  da;  Anc.  Pers.  hsid,sit,  YAv.  had,  Skt.  sad;  Anc. 
Pers.  -spada(in  taxmaspada),  GAv.  spada,  YAv.  spaSa. 

dh. 

168.  Aryan  dh,  like  other  medije  aspiratte  in  Ira- 
nian, fell  together  with  its  corresponding  media,  and 
appears  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  d;  e.  g.,  Anc.  Pers.  da,  j9i^^, 
Av.  da,  Skt.  dha;  Anc.  Pers.  ba"d,  hhid,  YAv.  band, 
Skt.  bandh;  Anc.  Pers.  dars,  dare,  Skt.  dhrs;  Anc. 
Pers.  di,  see,  A  v.  di,  Skt.  dhi;  Anc.  Pers.  hi"du,  I?idia, 
YAv.  hindu,  Skt.  sindhu. 

5.  a.  Indo-European  Labials  in  Aryan. 

p. 

169.  I.  E.  p,  which  was  lost  in  O.  Ir.  initially  and 
before  vowels  and  became  Germanic  f ,  b,  remained  p  in 
Aryan,  as  well  as  in  Lith.,  O.  Slav.,  Lat.,  and  Grk. 
(initially  and  in  general  medially);  e.  </.,  I.  E.  pater, 
f other,  Skt.  pitar,  Anc.  Pers.  pitar,  A  v.  pitar,  Cirk. 


169-173]  The  Consonants.  81 

7raT>7/D,  Lat.  pater,  O.  Ir.  athir,  Goth,  fadar;  I.  E. 
prk-sk(h)6,  a-^Ji-,  Skt.  prchami,  Anc.  Per.s.  a-parsam, 
Av.  p9r9sami,  Lai.  posco  (  *por  (c) -sco),  O.  11.  G. 
forsca;  I.  E.  *apo,  froin^  Skt.  apa,  Anc.  Pers.  apa-, 
YAv.  apa,  (Jrk.  a-rro. 

ph. 

170.  The  very  rare  I.  E.  sound  ph  was  preserved 
uncliauged  in  Aryan,  as  also  in  Grk.  (<^),  while  in  the 
primiti\e  period  of  other  lano^iiages  it  fell  together 
with  other  labials,  with  bh  in  Lat.,  with  p  in  Ger- 
manic, Keltic,  and  Balto- Slavonic;  e.  g.^  Grk.  (T<f>apa- 
yc'o),  cracl\  Skt.  sphurjati. 

b. 

171.  I.  E.  b,  the  rarest  of  the  explosives  in  the  par- 
ent speech,  remained  b  in  Aryan,  as  also  in  O.  Ir., 
Lith.,  O.  Slav.,  Lat.,  Grk.  (initially  and  in  general 
medially),  becoming  p  in  the  Germanic  group;  e.  g.^ 
I.  E.  *pibeti,  he  drinJis^  Skt.  pibati;  Skt.  bala,  mighty 
Lat.  de-bilis. 

bh. 

172.  I.  E.  bh,  which  became  Germanic  b,  lb,  Keltic 
and  Balto-Slavonic  b,  Grk.  0,  Lat.  f  initially  and  b 
medially,  remained  bh  in  Aryan;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *bhero, 
leai\  Skt.  bharami,  Grk.  ^e'pw,  Lat.  fero,  O.  Ir.  berim, 
Goth,  baira;  I.  E.  *bhrator,  hrother^  Skt.  bhratar,  Grk. 
4>pdTwp,  Lat.  frater,  O.  Ir.  brathir;  Skt.  nabhas,  mist, 
Grk.  v£<^os,  Lat.  nebula,  O.  H.  G.  nebul. 

b.  Aryan  Lalnals  in  Ancient  Persian. 

p. 

173.  Aryan  p  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.  and  Av.  be- 
6 


82  The  Consonants.  [173-176 

fore  sonants  and  after  sibilants,  but  before  consonants 
it  was  changed  to  f;  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  apa-,  yrc>///, 
YAv.  apa,  Skt.  apa;  Anc.  Pers.  pitar,  father^  Av. 
pitar,  Skt.  pitar;  Anc.  Pers.  *spada,  army  (in  taxmas- 
pada),  GAv.  spada,  YAv.  spaSa;  Anc.  Pers.  ix3i-,forth^ 
Av.  fra,  Skt.  pra;  Anc.  Pers.  ufrasta,  well-jmnished 
(cf.  a-parsam,  I  examined)^  Av.  fras,  Skt.  prchati. 

ph. 

174.  Aryan  ph  appears  in  Iranian  as  f,  but  when 
preceded  by  a  sibilant  and  followed  by  a  sonant  it  be- 
came p;  e.  (/.,  YAv.  "kaidm,  yoa?n^  Skt.  kapha,  YAv. 
frasparat,  he  started  forth  ^  Skt.  aphurat.  No  exam- 
ple is  found  in  Anc.  Pers. 

(a)  In  the  Anc.  Pers.  *farnah,  glory ^  occurring  only 
in  the  compound  proper  name  vi"dafarnah  {finding 
glory) ^  the  f  represents  an  Iranian  x'';  cf.  YAv. 
x^'aranah. 

(b)  bh. 

175.  Aryan  (b)  bh  became  Anc.  Pers.  b  (GAv.  b, 
which  became  YAv.  w  unless  initial  or  preceded  by 
a  nasal  or  a  sibilant);  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  abara,  he  hore^ 
Skt.  abharat  (I.  E.  *ebheret);  Anc.  Pers.  baga,  god^ 
YAv.  baya,  Skt.  bhaga;  Anc.  Pers.  baji,  tribute^  YAv. 
baj,  Skt.  bhaj;  Anc.  Pers.  bratar,  brother^  Av.  bratar, 
Skt.  bhratar;  Anc.  Pers.  ably,  to^  GAv.  aibi,  YAv. 
aiwi,  Skt.  abhi. 

6.  a.  Indo-European  Consonantal  Nasals  in  Aryan. 

n. 

176.  The  I.  E.  dental  nasal  remained  as  n  in  Aryan, 
as  generally  in  the  other  derived  languages;  e.  </.,  I. 
E.  *nomn,  name,  Skt.  nama,  Av.  nama,  Anc.  Pers. 


176-179]  The  Consonants.  83 

nama  (New  Pers.  nam),  Grk.  o-vo/xa,  Lat.  nomen,  Goth, 
namo;  I.  E.  *genos,  race^  Skt.  janas,  Grk.  yeVos,  Lat. 
genus,  Goth,  kuni;  I.  E.  *bheronti,  they  har^  Skt. 
bharanti,  A  v.  barainti,  Grk,  (Dor.)  ipipovn,  Lat.  ferunt, 
Goth,  bairand. 

177.  But  the  nasal  n,  as  mentioned  above  (137),  even 
in  I.  E.  became  vehir  or  palatal  before  the  corre- 
sponding explosives.  So  also,  with  the  palatalization 
of  I.  E.  velars  in  Aryan  (145),  a  preceding  velar  nasal 
became  palatal;  e.  f/.,  I.  F..  *onqos,  /loo/,'^  Skt.  anka, 
Grk.  oyKos,  Lat.  uncus;  I.  E.  *kongho,  'mussel^  Skt. 
gankha,  Grk.  Koyxo?,  Lat.  congius;  I.  E.  *penqe,  fve^ 
Skt.  panca,  Lat.  quinque,  Lith.  penki.  (For  Grk. 
TrevTc,  see  141.) 

m. 

178.  I.  E.  m  remained  m  in  Aryan,  as  generally  in 
the  other  derived  languages;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *mater, 
7/iother,  Skt.  matar,  Av.  matar,  Anc.  Pers.  -matar, 
Grk.  MTrjp^  Lat.  mater;  I.  E.  *esmi,  Ia//(,  Skt.  asmi, 
Av.  ahmi,  Anc.  Pers.  amiy,  Grk.  eiVA  Lat.  sum,  Goth. 
im,  Lith.  esmi;  I.  E.  *kiTitom,  hundred^  Skt.  9atam, 
Av.  sat9m,  Grk.  e-KaroV,  Lat.  centum. 

b.  Aryan  Nasals  in  Ancient  Persian. 

n. 

179.  Aryan  n  remained  n  in  Anc.  Pers.  before 
vowels,  but  was  not  written  before  explosives  nor 
when  tinal;  e.  (j.^  Anc.  Pers.  nama,  name,  Av.  nama, 
Skt.  nama;  Anc.  Pers.  ana,  tJus^  A  v.  ana,  Skt.  ana; 
Anc.  Pers.  ba"daka,  sxhject^  YAv.  banda,  Skt.  bhanda; 
Anc.  Pers.  abara",  they  hore^  Skt.  abharan. 

Cf.   also:    Anc.    Pers.    zra"ka,  Dra)iglana^  Elam. 


84  The  Consonants.  [179-182 

[zirrajnkas,  Bab.  za-ra-an-ga-',  Grk,  Apayytai'r/;  Anc. 
Pers.  vi"dafarnah,  rntaphernes,  Elam.  maintaparna, 
Grk.  'lvTa<f)€pvr}';;  Aiic.  Pei's.  ka"bujiya,  (^(inili/sis^ 
Elam.  kanpuziya,  Bab.  kam-bu-zi-ia,  Grk.  Ka/x/Svar]';. 

m. 

180.  Aryan  m  remained  m  in  Ano.  Pers.;  e.  g., 
Anc.  Pers.  nama,  vame,  A  v.  nama,  Skt.  nama;  Anc. 
Pers.  -matar,  mother  (New  Pers.  madar).  Av.  matar, 
Skt.  matar. 

(a)  Iranian  dm  appears  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  m;  e.  </., 
Anc.  Pers.  maniyam,  estate  (  ^j,  GAv.  daman9m. 

(b)  Aryan  sm  appears  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  m;  e.  f/., 
Anc.  Pers.  amahy,  we  an\  Skt.  smas,  Ved.  smasi  (I. 
E.  *s-mes[i]).     (See  192.) 

(c)  For  the  use  of  m  in  one  place  before  an  explo- 
sive, see  66.  3,  note. 

7.  a.  Indo-European  Liquids  in  Aryan. 
1. 

181.  I.  E.  1,  ■wJiich  remained  unchanged  in  the  other 
derived  languages  generally,  appeared  in  Aryan  usu- 
ally as  r;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *leiq,  leave^  Skt.  rinakti,  Grk. 
XcLTTw,  Lat.  linquo;  I.  E.  *leuq,  *leuk,  li(j/it,  Skt.  rokas, 
a  light,  lokas,  a  Ughting,  Av.  raoco,  Anc.  Pers.  rauca, 
Arm.  lois,  Grk.  Xcvkos,  Lat.  lux,  O.  Ir.  loche. 

r. 

182.  I.  E.  r  appears  in  Aryan  usually  as  r,  remain- 
ing unchanged  also  in  the  other  derived  languages 
generally;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *peri,  a/'otaid,  Skt.  pari,  Av. 
pairi,  Anc.  Pers.  parly,  Grk.  Tre'pt;  I,  E.  *pro,  before ., 
Skt.  pra,  Av.  fra,  Anc.  Pers.  fra-,  Grk.  tt/do,  Lat.  pro. 


183-185I  TiiK  Consonants.  85 

b.  Ai yun  Liquids  in  Ancient  Persian. 

l,r. 

183.  Consonantal  1  oocnrs  in  Auc.  Pers.  only  in  two 
borrowed  proi)er  names:  haldita  (a  personal  name), 
Elam.  altita,  and  dubala  (a  district  in  Baljylonia).  C'f. 
the  following,  in  accordance  with  181:  Anc.  Pars. 
arbaira,  Arhla^  Bab.  ar-ba-'il,  Grk.  "Ap/StjXa;  Anc. 
Pers.  nadi"tabaira,  Xldiuiii-Brl^  Elam.  nititpel,  l)ab. 
ni-din-tu-(ilu)bel;  Anc.  Pers.  babiru,  Elam.  papili, 
Bab.  babilu,  Cirk.  BafSvXwv. 

184.  Aryan  r  remained  r  in  Anc.  Pers.;  e.  g.,  Anc. 
Pers.  pariy,  aroimd,  Av.  pairi,  Skt.  pari;  Anc.  Pers. 
hei-ffort/i,  Av.  fra,  Skt.  pra;  Anc.  Pers.  raucah,  c/r/y, 
YAv.  rue,  Skt.  rue. 

(a)  Aryan  sr  became  in  Anc.  Pers»  r;  e.  r/.,  Anc. 
Pers.  rautah,  rirer  (New  Pers.  rod),  Skt.  srotas  (rt. 
ST\i,_fou').     (See  192.) 

8.  a.  Indo-European  Semivowels  in  Aryan. 

y. 

185.  I.  Yj.  y  remained  unchanged  in  Aryan,  as  is 
true,  to  a  great  extent,  of  the  other  derived  languages, 
though  initial  y  was  lost  in  O.  Ir.  and  became  spirifiis 
asj>er  in  Grk.,  intervocalic  y  disappeared  in  Grk., 
Lat.,  and  the  Keltic  group,  and  postconsonantal  y 
was  often  disguised  in  euphonic  combinations  pecul- 
iar to  the  various  languages.  Examples  of  I.  E.  y 
are  the  following:  I.  E.  *yos,  whlch^  Skt.  ya,  Grk. 
os;  I.  E.  *yus,  i/c,  Skt.  yuyam  (328),  Grk.  v/u-ets,  Goth, 
jus,  Lith.  jus;  I.  E.  *eym,  I 'tctnt^  Skt.  ayam,  Anc. 
Pers.  -ayam,  Grk.  3a  (for  ^a  <  ^ya);  I.  E.  *(s)pekyo, 
I see^  Skt.  pagyami,  A  v.  spasyemi,  Lat.  specie. 


8()  TiiJO  Consonants.  [186-189 

w. 

186.  I.  E.  w  remained  in  Aryan,  as  generally  in 
the  other  derived  languages,  though  in  Arm.  it  ap- 
peared sometimes  as  g,  in  Lat.  sometimes  as  u  after 
a  consonant,  and  in  Grk.  it  disappeared  early  in  most 
dialects,  tirst  medially,  then  initially;  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *wei, 
we^  Skt.  vayam,  Av.  vaem;  I.  E.  *weq,  sj?eal'^  Skt. 
vacas,  Grk.  /rcVos,  Lat.  vox;  I.  E.  *ekwos,  Jwrsc,  Skt. 
agva,  YAv.  aspa,  Anc.  Pers.  aspa-  (219.  2,  a),  Grk. 
TTTTros,  Lat,  equus;  Skt.  sarva,  inhale^  Av.  haurva,  Grk. 
oAos  for  oX/:os;  I.  E.  "^ebhewet,  he  became^  Skt.  abhavat, 
Anc.  Pers.  abava. 

187.  After  consonants  in  I.  E.  y  was  interchanged 
with  iy  and  w  with  uw,  iy  and  uw  occurring  regularly 
after  long  syllables,  y  and  w  after  short;  e.  </.,  L  E. 
*p9triyo,  of  a  father^  Skt.  pitriyas,  Grk.  Trar/atos,  Lat. 
patrius;  but  L  E.  *medhyo,  middle^  Skt.  madhyas, 
Grk.  ii.k(To<i^  Lat.  medius,  Goth,  midjis;  Skt.  a§nuvanti, 
they  attain.,  but  sunvanti,  ihcy  jri'ess  out  the  soi/ta. 

b.  Aryan  Semivowels  in  Ancient  Persian. 

y- 

188.  Aryan  y  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.,  but  after 
consonants  is  written  iy  (cf.  66.  1).  The  pronuncia- 
tion in  many  such  cases  may  have  been  iy,  as  it  must 
have  been  when  a  preceding  t  was  not  changed  to  s 
(164.  a);  e.  g.,  Anc.  Pers.  -ayam,  I  vent,  Skt.  ayam; 
Anc.  Pers.  a-jamiya  (opt.),  may  it  come;  Skt.  gam- 
yat  (T.  E.  *gmmyet).     For  tya  see  164  (b). 

w. 

189.  Aryan  w  remained  as  v  in  Anc.  Pers. ,  but  after 


iSq-iqi]  The  Consonants.  87 

consonants  is  wiitttMi  uv  (tf.  66.  1);  r.  (/.,  Anc.  Pers. 
-va,  (>/\  Av.  va,  Skt.  va;  Anc.  Pers.  abava,  lirlxrcniw^ 
Skt.  abhavat;  Anc-.  Pors.  haruva,  icJiole^  YAv.  haurva, 
Skt.  sarva. 


9.  a.  Indo-European  Spirants  in  Aryan. 

s. 

190.  I.  Yj.  s  remained  s  in  Aryan  unless  preceded 
by  an  i-  or  u-vowel,  r  or  r,  or  an  original  palatal  or 
velar,  in  which  cases  it  became  s;  e.  f/.,  I.  E.  *septm, 
seven,  Skt.  sapta,  Grk.  Itttoi,  Lat.  septem,  Goth.sibun; 
I.  E.  *esti,  he  is,  Skt.  asti,  Av.  asti,  Anc.  Pers.  astiy, 
Grk.  eo-Ti,  Lat.  est;  Skt.  tisthati,  he  stands,  Av.  his- 
taiti,  Anc.  Pers.  aistata,  Grk.  lo-ttjixi,  Lat.  sisto;  I.  E. 
*geus,  taste,  Skt.  jostar,  Anc.  Pers.  daustar,  Grk.  yeva- 
TT^piov;  1.  E.  *dhers,  dare,  Skt.  dharsati,  Av.  darsis, 
Anc.  Pers.  adarsnaus,  Grk.  ^apo-os;  Skt.  vaksi  (I.  E. 
-ks-),  thou  vnllest,  but  va^mi,  Ivnll;  I.  E.  *'weq,  say, 
Skt.  vaksyami,  Av.  vaxsya. 

(a)  L  E.  ks  was  in  L-anian  reduced  to  s  and  so  ap- 
pears in  Anc.  Pers.;  e.  (j.,  niyapisam,  I  cut  (an  in- 
scrij}fio/i),  of  the  s-class  of  verbs  (471),  I.  E.  rt.  *peik. 

(b)  The  occurrence  of  the  s<  I.  E.  s  at  the  beginning 
of  certain  enclitic  pronouns  is  to  be  explained  from 
the  influence  of  a  final  i  or  u  of  the  word  to  which 
the  enclitic  was  joined,  as  in  tyai-saiy;  then  the  forms 
with  s  were  generalized,  and  we  find  ava^asaiy,  adam- 
sam,  etc.     Cf .  Av.  se  after  i  or  u,  but  he  after  a. 

z. 

191.  I.  E.  z  became  Aryan  z  under  the  same  con- 
ditions under  Avhich  I.  E.  s  became  Aryan  s  (190), 


88  The  Consonants.  [191-193 

otherwise  it  appeared  as  z;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *mizdhos,  re- 
ward, Av.  mizdsm,  Grk.  /xto-^os;  Skt.  dudhi,  UJ-thlnl'- 
mg,  Av.  duzda;  I.  E.  *sezd,  redupl.  from  *sed,  sit,  Av. 
hazd-. 

b.  Aryan  Original  Spirants  in  Ancient  Persian. 


192.  Aryan  s  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.  before  a  ten- 
uis, but  elsewhere  became  h,  which  disappeared  be- 
fore m  and  r  (180,  b;  184,  a),  before  u.,  often  medially 
before  other  vowels,  and  also  when  final;  e.  g.,  Anc. 
Pers.  astiy,  he  is,  A  v.  asti,  Skt.  asti;  Anc.  Pers,  haina, 
army, Y An.  haena,  Skt.  sena;  Anc.  Pers.  naham(acc.), 
nose,  YAv.  nah,  Skt.  nas;  Anc.  Pers.  amiy,  lam,  Av. 
ahmi,  Skt.  asmi;  Anc.  Pers.  rauta(h),  river  (New  Pers. 
rod),  Skt.  srotas  (rt.  srvi,f<nr);  Anc.  Pers.  prefix  u- 
(uv-),  well,  Av.  hu-,  Skt.  su-;  Anc.  Pers.  aura,  god, 
Av.  ahura,  Skt.  asura;  Anc.  Pers.  aistata,  Jie  stood, 
Av.  histaiti;  Anc.  Pers.  ^atiy  (for  *^ahatiy),  he  says, 
but  a^aha,  he  said,  Av.  sah,  Skt.  Qaiis;  Anc.  Pers. 
aniya  (nom.  sg.  m.),  other,  Av.  anyo,  Skt.  anyas. 

(a)  The  Anc.  Pers.  shows  a  variation  between 
ufrastam  and  ufrastam,  a  variation  that  belonged 
probably  to  the  spoken  language  as  well  as  to  the 
written. 

s. 

193.  The  Aryan  s,  developed  from  original  s  under 
conditions  mentioned  in  190,  Remained  s  in  Anc,  Pers. ; 
e.  g.,  Anc.  Pers,  aistata,  Jie  stood,  Av.  histaiti,  Skt. 
tisthati;  Anc.  Pers,  daustar,yn"(?;?^,  Skt.  jostar;  Anc. 
Pers.  adarsnaus,  Jie  dared.,  Av.  darsis,  Skt.  dharsati. 

(a)  In  niy-astayam,  I  commanded,  from  root  sta, 


193-194I  Sandiii.  so 

sfK/)(?,  and  niyasadayam,  /  e)^/(/bIishef7,  from  root  had, 
.siV,  the  s  rcsultino;  from  the  vowel  of  the  prefix  has 
been  taken  over  into  the  au<rmented  form. 


CHAPJER  VII. 
Sandhi. 


194.  In  the  various  Indo-European  lano;uages  both 
vowel  and  consonant  sounds  have  imdergoue  changes 
throuirh  the  influence  of  other  vowels  or  consonants 
in  the  same  sound  group.  This  sound  group  may 
ccmsist  of  the  parts  of  a  single  word,  as  when  to  a 
root  there  is  added  a  derivative  suffix  or  an  inflec- 
tional ending.  Or,  since  language  is  spoken  not  in 
individual  words,  but  always  in  phrases  and  sentences, 
the  sound  group  may  consist  of  parts  of  several  con- 
nected words,  these  parts  being  phonetically  no  less 
closely  related  than  those  of  the  single  WT)rd.  Ac- 
cording as  such  changes  occur  within  words  or  be- 
tween words,  they  are  called  changes  of  internal 
combination  or  of  external  combination.  The  prin- 
ciples controlling  both  these  classes  of  phonetic 
change  are  included  under  the  general  name  of 
Sandhi — a  term  adopted  from  the  Hindu  gramma- 
rians and  meaning  literally  a  jnitting  together.  How- 
ever, Sandhi  is  often  used  to  designate  the  principles 
of  external  combination  only. 

]\Iany  of  these  sound  changes  are  inherited  from 
the  Indo-European  period.  Thus  we  should  have  I. 
E.  loc.  pi.  *gou-su  from  *gou,  coit^  Skt.  gosu,  Grk. 
^ova-L^  but  I.  E.  gen.  pi.  *gow-om,  Skt.  gavam,  Grk. 
PoSiv\  I.  E.  loc.  pi.  *bhrghnt-su  from  *bhrghnt,  gi'eat, 


90  Sandhi.  [194-196 

Skt.  brhat-su,  but  instr.  pi.  *bhrghnd-bhi(s),  Skt. 
brhad-bhis;  I.  E.  *tot  peku,  this  com^  Skt.  tat  pagu, 
but  I.  PI  *tod  donom,  this;  gift^  Skt.  tad  danam. 

195.  Because  the  mind  of  the  speaker  usually  an- 
ticipates his  spoken  word,  it  is  often  the  case  that  the 
vocal  organs  while  pronouncing  one  sound  are  pre- 
paring for  another  to  follow,  with  the  result  that  the 
former  is  modified  through  anticipation  of  the  latter, 
or  there  occurs  regressive  assimilation,  as  in  I.  E. 
*juqtos,  yoked^  beside  *jugom,  yoke.  Occasionally  the 
vocal  organs  lingering  on  a  sound  just  uttered,  under 
its  influence  modify  a  following  sound,  or  there  oc- 
curs progressive  assimilation,  as  when  I.  E.  *bhndh-to, 
hound.,  became  Skt.  baddha. 

196.  In  many  cases  it  happened  that,  when  a  word 
had  assumed  different  forms  according  to  the  combi- 
nation of  its  final  sound  with  the  initial  sound  of  a 
following  word,  these  doublet  forms  continued  for  a 
time,  each  in  its  proper  place;  then  as  the  influences 
producing  or  requiring  the  change  ceased  to  operate, 
the  two  forms  were  used  indiscriminately  until  one 
gained  the  ascendancy  and  eventually  came  to  be  used 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  other,  regardless  of  its  phonetic 
position. 

This  is  illustrated  in  the  use  of  the  Greek  Trpo's  and 
irpoTi  representing  Indo-European  *proty  and  *proti 
(Skt.  praty  and  prati),  the  one  form  being  used  when 
the  initial  sound  of  the  following  word  was  a  vowel, 
the  other  when  the  following  initial  was  a  consonant. 
But  TT/aos  came  to  be  the  preferred  form  in  Attic  and 
was  used  without  reference  to  the  character  of  the 
following  sound,  while  in  other  dialects  irpoTL  was 
generalized  and  Trpos  disappeared. 


197-199]  Sandiii.  !)1 

1.  Indo-European  Contraction  of  \'()wels. 

197.  The  i-  and  u-diphlhon<rs  discussed  in  previous 
sections  (9811")  were  strictly  the  result  of  the  contrac- 
tion of  two  vowel  sounds.  Combinations  of  a,  e,  and 
0,  with  a,  e,  and  0,  produced  long  vowels.     Thus: 

a  +  a  "   a,  < .  ,'/•,  I-  E.  *ekwa-a  (pro!),  ending  of  instr. 

sg.,  cf.  254)  ,">  *ekwa,  8kt.  (Ved.)  aQva,  Grk.  Aa^pa, 

Dor.  Kpvffid. 
a  +  e  >  a,  f'.  ^.,  I.  E.  nom.  pi.  *ekwa-es      *ekwas, 

Skt.  (\''ed.)  agvas.     Cf.  Goth,  gibos,  Osc.  serif tas. 
e  -{-  a.  >  e,  e.  g.,  J.  "E.  *qe-a  (prolj.  ending  of  instr. 

sg.,  cf.  254)  >  qe,  Grk.  n^. 
e  +  e  >  e,  i\  g. ,  I.  E.  *e-es-m  >  *es-m,  Skt.  asam,  Grk. 

(Horn.)  ^a. 
0  +  e  >  0,  t.  (/.,  I.  E.  nom.  pi.  *ekwo-es  >  *ekwos, 

Skt.  a9vas.    Cf.  Goth,  wulfos. 
0  +  0  >  0,  <?.  ^.,  I.  E.  gen.  pi.  *ekwo-oin  >  *ekw6m, 

Grk.  ItnTiav.     (Skt.  agvanam  is  a  reformation. ) 

■  Contraction,  of  Yoii^el  and  DipJdhong. 

198.  The  contraction  of  a,  e,  0  with  a  diphthong 
resulted  in  a  long  diphthong;  <.  (/.,  I.  E.  dat.  sg. 
*ekwa-ai  "^  *ekwai,  and  *ekwo-ai  "■  *ekwoi;  I.  E. 
*e-ey-m  "   *ey-m,  Skt.  ayam,  Grk.  rja  (for  *^a      *%a). 

2.  Internal  Combination  in  Indo-European. 
a.  Explosives  and  Spirxmts. 

199.  The  voiced  consonants  (/.  e.^  medife  and  z)  be- 
fore voiceless  sounds  (/.  ^.,  tenues  and  s)  became 
voiceless;  e.  g.,  I.  E.,  *jugom,  yoJ^'e,  *juqtos,  yoh'd, 
Skt.  yugam,  yukta,  Grk.  ^^'yov,  ^evKT6<;^  I^at.  iugum, 
iunctus;  1.  E.  loc.  pi.  *petsu,  from  *ped,  foot,  Skt. 
patsu. 


92  Saxdiii.  [200-204 

200.  Tennes  before  mediffi  became  medi^,  and  the 
voiceless  spirant  before  niediiB  became  voiced;  e.  (/., 
I.  E,  *ped,  foot^  but  bd  for  pd  in  Skt.  upa-bda,  Grk. 
eVt758ai;  I.  E.  *nizdos,  nest^  zd  for  sd  from  root  *sed,  sit. 

201.'  The  immediate  succession  of  two  aspiratje  twis 
avoided  by  deaspiration  of  the  first;  e.  (j.,  I.  E.  *bhe- 
bhidh-dhi,  from  root  *bheidh,  2)ersuade.^  became  *bhe- 
bhid^dhi  (203),  whence  the  Grk.  TrcVto-^i. 

202.  An  aspirata  before  an  iinaspirated  sound, 
whether  explosive,  sibilant,  or  combination  of  explo- 
sive and  sibilant,  transferred  its  aspiration  to  the 
second  sound,  and  if  the  iirst  was  voiced  the  second 
also  became  voiced;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *bhndh-to,  from  root 
bhndh,  J/y/cZ,  became  *bhndMho  (203),  whence  the  Skt. 
baddha;  I.  E.  *ghsen  Ijecauie  *gzhen,  whence  the  Grk. 
leVos,  stranger;  I.  E.  qnthsko,  Isiijfer^  became "  qntskho, 
whence  the  Grk.  *patskho  >  Trao-xw. 

Transfer  of  aspiration  in  the  combinations  ths,  phs, 
dhs,  bhs,  qh^,  kh^,  ghS,  ghS,  has  been  mentioned  in 
139,  note. 

203.  The  succession  of  two  dental  explosives  de- 
veloped a  spirantal  glide  between  the  two  sounds,  t-t, 
t-th,  d-d,  d-dh  becoming  t't,  t'^th,  d'd,  dMh;  e.  g. ,  I.  E. 
*bhebhid-dhi,  from  root  *bheidh,  ixrf^uade.^  became 
"■^bhebhid'dhi,  Grk.  TreVio-^t;  I.  E.  *set-to  for  *sed-to, 
from  root'^sed,.v/Y,  became  *set''to,  Skt.  satta,  Av,  hasta. 

Note. — ssk(h)  became  sk(h);  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *is-sk(h)o,  f  rom  root 
*ais,  seek,  became  *isk(h)o. 

b.  JVasals. 

204.  The  nasal  was  assimilated  to  a  following  ex- 
plosive.    See  137. 


205-iiog]  Sandhi.  93 

c.   Semivmvels. 

205.  y  and  w,  as  well  as  r,  n,  and  m,  often  repre- 
sented the  corresponding  vowel  in  consonantal  func- 
tion before  other  vowels;  e.  (j.,  I.  E.  *bhw-i-yet,  opt. 
3  sg.  from  root  *bhu,  he;  I.  E.  *treyes,  t/wee,  Skt. 
trayas;  so  I.  E.  *matr-su,  loc,  pi.  of  *mater,  rnothei\ 
beside  gen.  sg.  " mattes,  and  *k(u)wn-su,  loc.  pi.  of 
*k(u)wo(n),  dog^  beside  gen.  sg.  *kun-es. 

206.  w  Mas  lost  from  enclitic  pronominal  forms, 
probal)ly  first  after  certain  consonants;  f.  ^.,  2  pers. 
pron.,  loc.  sg.  *toi  for  *twoi.  It  also  disappeared  be- 
tween a  long  vowel  and  consonantal  m;  e.  (j.^  I.  E,  ace. 
dyam,   beside    nom.   dyaus,  .sZv/,  Skt.  dyam,  Grk.  Zi^V. 


3.  External  Combination  in  Indo-Enropean. 

207.  For  explosives  and  spirants  the  same  rule  holds 
in  external  as  in  internal  combination,  the  regressive 
assimilation  of  voiced  and  voiceless  sounds;  e.  </.,  I. 
E.  *edot,  lie  g<ii'e^  +  *bhratrai,  to  the  Irofher^  became 
*edod-bhratrai,  Skt.  adad  bhratre;  I.  E.  Hod,  t/mt,  + 
*siyet,  liiat/  be,  became  "'tot-siyet,  Skt.  tat  siyat. 

208.  Before  consonants  final  ei  became  e  and  final 
ou  became  0;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  loc.  sg.  of  i-stems,  *-ei  >  e 
as  in  Vedic  agna;  I.  E.  *dwo  sunu,  two  sons,  but  dwow 
ekwou,  t'tco  horses.  So  in  Sanskrit  the  Veda  has  in 
nom.  ace.  dual  -a  (original  o-stems),  seldom  -au, 
while  the  classical  Sanskrit  has  only  au,  the  Greek 
only  w. 

209.  Final  i  and  u  remained  vowels  before  initial 
consonants,  but  became  consonantal,  i.  e.,  y  and  w, 
before  initial  vowel  sounds;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *proti  tod,  to- 
ward this,  ])ut  *proty  ekwons,  toward  the  horse-s,'  I.  E. 


94  Saxbhi.  [209-214 

*medhu  bheveti,  tlie  honey  becomes^  but  *medhw  esti, 
the  honey  is.    Cf.  205. 

(a)  m  before  vowels  was  probaljly  prouoimced  mm. 
This  may  explain  the  distinction  between  Grk.  -noho. 
and  Skt.  padam,  but  cf.  107. 

(b)  On  the  interchange  of  y  and  w  with  iy  and  uw 
according  to  the  quantity  of  the  preceding  syllable, 
see  187.  This  change  belongs  also  to  external  combi- 
nation. 

210.  Under  certain  conditions  of  accent  and  sen- 
tence combination  the  final  nasal  and  r  disappeared; 
e.  g.,  I.  E.  *uksen,  o,/-,  beside  *ukse,  Skt.  uksa;  I.  E. 
^-pdter,  father,  Grk.  -Traryp,  beside  I.  E.  *p9te,  S'kt.  pita. 

211.  As  in  internal  combination  ssk(h)  became 
sk(h)  (203,  note),  so  the  dropping  of  initial  s  l)efore 
a  consonant,  giving  rise  to  doublet  forms  like  the 
Greek  o-reyos,  reyos,  may  have  occurred  fii-st  where 
the  preceding  w^ord  ended  in  s. 

4.  Combination  of  Vowels  in  Ancient  Persian. 

213.  Since  Indo-European  a,  e,  0  are  all  repre- 
sented by  the  Ancient  Persian  a  (75,  87!!'),  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  combination  in  Indo-European,  if  ap- 
plied in  Ancient  Persian,  mean  always  the  union  of 
a  with  a  into  a,  and  the  union  of  a  wdth  i  or  u  gives 
a  diphthong,  i.  e.,  ai  or  au;  e.  ().,  Anc.  Pers.  fra-ajanam 
became  frajanam,  I  cut  off;  para-idiy  became  paraidiy, 
{/o  thoiifortJi;  demonstr.  pron,  ha-u  became  hauv,  I. 
E.  *so-u,  Grk,  ouTos. 

214.  If  the  h  between  vowels,  which  was  lost  from 
the  written  form  of  certain  Ancient  Persian  words 
(192),  was  entirely  unpronounccd,  then  these  vowels 
also  must  ha\  o  united  into  a  long  vowel  or  diphthong; 


214-2x6]  Sandiii.  95 

aiul  ^aatiy  from  *^ahatiy,  /lesaf/s,  is  to  be  pronounced 
^atiy;  a-istata  from  "ahistata,  Zip  lulfrd^  is  to  l)e  pro- 
nounced aistata;  anil  a-ura  from  ""ahura,  r/o^Z,  becomes 
aura. 

5.   AntiplN-xis. 

215.  Anaptyxis,  or  the  development  of  a  vowel 
sound  between  a  lic^uid  or  a  nasal  and  another  con- 
sonant, either  preceding  or  followinof,  occurs  fre- 
quently in  the  Indo-European  languages.  This  sound 
is  merely  a  glide  vowel  originating  from  the  semi- 
vocalic  nature  of  the  liquid  or  nasal.  Thus  are 
formed  Grk.  €/38o/aos  from  *i/38fjL-^  Lat.  poculum  from 
*poclum,  stabilis  from  *stablis. 

In  the  Aryan  languages  anaptyxis  occurs  in  the 
Pnlkrit  dialect  of  the  Sanski-it,  as  Prakt.  harisa,  Skt. 
harsa,  j/oy,  and  it  is  very  common  in  Avestan;  e.  g., 
GAv.  dadamahi,  ice  gh'e,  Skt.  dadmasi;  GAv.  fara, 
fort/i,  YAv.  fra,  Skt.  pra.  But  in  Ancient  Persian  u 
between  d  and  r,  and  between  g  and  d,  when  the  fol- 
lowing syllable  or  the  preceding  syllable  has  an  u- 
sound,  furnishes  the  only  sure  examples  of  anaptyxis; 
e.  g.,  Anc.  Pers.  adurujiya,  he  lied,  GAv.  druj,  Skt. 
druh;  -Anc.  Pers.  duruva,  secure,  YAv.  drva,  Skt. 
dhruva;  Anc.  Pers.  suguda,  Sogdiana,  YAv.  suySa, 
Elam.  suktas,  Bab.  su-ug-du,  Grk.  SoySmn;. 

In  the  pronunciation  of  words  like  drauga,  bratar, 
framana,  there  may  have  been  between  d,  b  or  f,  and 
r  something  of  the  sound  of  a,  which  the  Ancient 
Persian  writing  would  allow,  and  which  is  suggested 
by  the  ]Modern  Persian  duroy,  biradar,  farman. 

6.  Coml)ination  of  Consonants  in  Ancient  Persian. 

216.  The  Indo-European   law  of  assinulation   of 


96  Sandhi.  •  [216-219 

voiced  and  voiceless  consonants  continued  to  operate 
in  Ancient  Persian;  c  r/.,  vahyazdata,  for  *vahyasdata; 
bagabuxsa,  from  baga  -f-  root  *buj,//'tt7  nijayam,  / 
went  forth;  cf.  Av.  nis,  niz,  and  68. 

(a)  But  s  before  a  sonant  is  preserved  in  the  com- 
pound dusiyara  (dus  +  *yar;  cf.  Skt.  dus-,  dur-,  Av. 
dus-,  duz-)  probably  with  a  feeling  of  the  independ- 
ence of  the  two  elements. 

217.  While  the  primitive  Aiyan  followed  the  Indo- 
European  in  the  transfer  of  aspiration  with  progres- 
sive assimilation  in  the  combination  of  an  aspirate 
with  an  unaspirated  sound  (202),  yet  through  the  in- 
fluence of  analogy  with  forms  properly  retaining  the 
ta-sufiix,  as  karta,  made^  "patB., 2yrotected^  certain  par- 
ticiples in  Ancient  Persian,  as  in  Avestan,  kept  the 
-tawith  regressive  assimilation;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *bhndh-to, 
hound^  Prim.  Ar.  *badMha,  Skt.  baddha,  but  Anc. 
Pers.  basta  instead  of  *bazda;  Skt.  drugdha,  deceived^ 
but  Anc.  Pers.  duruxta  instead  of  *durugda. 

218.  The  influence  of  Aryan  palatal  vowels  in  the 
palatalization  of  preceding  velars  (89  end,  145)  con- 
tinues in  Ancient  Persian. 

219.  The  Aryan  tenues  had  different  treatment  gen- 
erally in  Ancient  Persian,  as  in  Avestan,  according  as 
they  were  followed  by  a  vowel  or  a  consonant.    Thus: 

(1)  Ar.  k  (I.  E.  q)  in  Anc.  Pers.  remained  k  before 
vowels,  but  was  changed  to  x  before  consonants  (146). 

(2)  Ar.  s  (I.  E.  k)  became  in  Anc.  Pers.  0  or  s  be- 
fore vowels  and  most  consonants,  but  was  changed  to 
s  before  n  and  generally  before  t  (153,  157.  a,  b). 

(a)  But  Ar.  sw  from  I.  E.  kw  became  in  Anc.  Pers. 
s  or  sp;  e.  g.^  T.  E.  *ekwos,  lorse^  Anc.  Pers.  asa  and 
aspa-,  Skt.  agva,  YAv.  aspa,  New  Pers.  asp,  (Irk,  'ttttos. 


219-224I  Sandiii.  07 

(."))  Ar.  t  (I.  E.  t)  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.  t  Ix'fore 
vowels  and  after  sibilants,  but  elsewhere  became  0 
(164);  tr  became  6"  (165). 

(a)  But  Ar.  ty  ])ec-anie  sy  in  Anc.  Pers.  in  hasiya, 
while  t  is  retained  in  tya  and  martiya  (164.  a,  b). 

(b)  The  development  of  a  spirant  between  succes- 
sive dental  explosives  (203)  may  be  seen  in  Anc.  Pers. 
basta,  hound,  Skt.  baddha,  from  I.  E.  *bhndMho  (cf. 
202). 

(4)  Ar.  p  (I.  E.  p)  remained  in  Anc.  Pers.  p  before 
vowels  and  after  sibilants,  but  elsewhere  became  f 

(173). 

220.  Aryan  tenues  aspiratas,  when  preceded  by  a 
sibilant  and  followed  by  a  sonant,  lost  their  aspiration 
in  Ancient  Persian,  as  in  Avestan,  and  appear  as  sim- 
ple tenues.  Thus,  as  has  been  mentioned  above,  in 
such  position  kh  became  k  (147),  th  became  t  (166), 
and  ph  became  (Ii'anian)  p  (174). 

221.  Aryan  mediae  regularly  remained  unchanged, 
but  d  before  m  disappeared  ( 180.  a). 

222.  Aryan  medife  aspiratse,  upon  coming  into  An- 
cient Persian,  lost  their  aspiration  and  appear  always 
as  simple  media.  Thus,  as  has  been  mentioned  above, 
gh  fell  together  w  ith  g  (149),  jh  wdth  j  (152),  zh  (I.  E. 
gh)  with  z  (I.  E.  g)  becoming  d  or  z  (159),  dh  with  d 
(168)  and  bh  with  b  (175). 

223.  According  to  the  law  stated  in  177,  the  nasal 
was  palatalized  with  the  Aryan  palatalization  of  a 
following  velar,  but  the  nasal  was  regularly  not  writ- 
ten before  explosives  in  Ancient  Persian  (179). 

224.  After  consonants  in  Ancient  Persian,  iy  and 
uv  occur  instead  of  y  and  v  (188,  189). 

7 


98  Sandhi.  [224-229 

(u)  Aryan  bhw,  from  I.  E.  bhw,  became  b  in  Anc. 
Pers. ;  e.  ^.,  biya,  inaij  lie  l>e^  I.  E.  *bb,w-i-yet. 

225.  I.  E.  s  or  z  in  Aryan  became  s,  z  when  pre- 
ceded by  an  i-  or  u-vowel,  by  r  or  r,  or  by  an  orig'inal 
palatal  or  velar  explosive  (190,  191),  and  this  s  (z)  re- 
mained in  such  positions  in  Ancient  Persian  (193). 

226.  Aryan  s  became  h  in  Ancient  Persian  in  all 
places  except  before  a  tenuis.  This  h  disappeared 
before  m  and  r,  before  u,  often  medially  before  other 
vowels,  and  also  when  final  (192). 

In  like  manner  Ar.  sw  l)ecame  Anc.  Pers.  uv; 
e.  fj.,  I.  E.  *swe,  *swo,  oties  own^  Skt.  sva,  Anc.  Pers. 
uva-. 

7.  Permitted  Finals. 

227.  Final  i  or  u  is  supplemented  by  the  addition 
of  the  corresponding  semivowel  (66.  1);  e.  9.,  Anc. 
Pers.  parly,  ahout.^  Av.  pairi,  Skt.  pari;  Anc.  Pers. 
naiy,  t^ot^  but  nai  with  the  enclitics  -sim  and  -maiy 
(yet  naiy  occurs  with  -dis);  Anc.  Pers.  paruv  (nom. 
sg. ),  mcmy,  but  parunam  (gen.  pi.;  also  paruv'^nam), 
YAv.  pouru,  Skt.  puru;  Anc.  Pers.  hauv,  that^  but 
written  hau  with  enclitics  -saiy  and  -ciy. 

228.  When  the  Ancient  Persian  fails  to  conform 
to  the  historical  quantity  of  final  vowels,  the  change 
is  merely  gi*aphic;  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  abara"ta,  they 
ho7'e  tliemselves^  Skt.  abharanta, Grk.  It^ipovro.    (See  61.) 

229.  Final  t  and  d  of  the  Aryan  disappeared  from 
Ancient  Persian;  e.  r/.,  Anc.  Pers.  abara,  he  hore^  Skt. 
abharat.  Bartholomae  contends  that  in  pronunciation 
there  was  still  some  trace  of  the  omitted  letter  and 
indicates  this  by  ^,  abara^'. 

(a)  The  same  disappearance  occui's  in  the  first  mem- 
ber of  a  compound;  as  in  the  participial  stem  appear- 


229-233]  Word  Formation.  99 

ing  in  daraya-vau-,  yw.v.sv.v.s///^/ 7/V7///'//,  Iran.  *dara- 
yat-vahu;  vi"da-farnah,,/7'//^////f/  (jl<>r[/^  ,  Tnin.  *vindat- 
x'ar9nah. 

(b)  The  original  final  dental,  either  explosive  or 
si])ilant,  appears  as  s  l)cf()re  the  enclitic  -ciy;  e.  r/., 
aniyasciy,  Skt.  anyaccid  (anyat  +  cit);  kasciy  for 
*kas-ciy.  It  may  be  true,  as  some  have  held,  that  the 
d  in  such  forms  as  avadim,  avadis  is  properly  the  orig- 
inal linal  dental  of  ava  and  not  the  initial  sound  of 
the  enclitic  pronoun.  From  its  appearance  in  such 
places  it  might  easily  have  become  in  speech  and  in 
writing  a  part  of  the  following  pronoun. 

230.  Final  n  is  never  written  in  Ancient  Persian 

(179). 

231.  Final  h  representing  Aryan  s  was  lost  (192, 
226).  Here,  again,  Bartholomae  believes  that  in  pro- 
nunciation there  was  a  trace  of  the  omitted  letter  and 
writes  ^.     (See  229.) 

232.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that,  in  addition  to  the 
vowel  a  and  the  semivowels  y  and  v,  mentioned 
above,  only  m,  r,  and  s  may  end  Ancient  Persian  words. 


CHAPTER  Vm. 

Word  Formation. 


233.  A  STUDY  of  the  formation  of  words  in  the  Indo- 
European  languages  leads  to  the  belief  that  in  the 
earliest  period  the  parent  tongue  was  composed 
largely  of  simple  and  distinct  words  which  we  may 
call  roots,  and  that  in  the  process  of  language  devel- 
opment many  of  these  words  were  joined  to  others, 
modifying  the  original  meaning  and  introducing  new 


100  WoKL)  Formation.  [233-235 

forms.  However,  it  is  not  to  be  understood  that  the 
quoted  roots  of  the  grammars  were,  in  fact,  among  the 
original  words,  but  are  rather  the  nearest  approach 
to  these  warranted  by  known  forms;  and,  again, 
many  of  the  elements  of  derived  words  may  never 
have  been  independent.  The  process  of  word  forma- 
tion here  mentioned,  moreover,  not  only  belonged  to 
the  Indo-European  period,  but  has  continued  to  a 
great  extent  all  through  the  history  of  the  derived 
languages. 

1.  Compounds. 

234.  The  combination  of  grammatically  related 
words  into  a  single  word  forms  a  compound. 

Classified  according  to  their  meaning,  compounds 
of  nouns  and  adjectives  are  Coordinating  or  Subor- 
dinating; i.  (?.,  there  is  mere  addition  of  elements  in 
the  same  construction,  or  else  one  element  is  in  some 
way  defined  by  the  other.  The  former  class  are  also 
called  Copulative,  and  outside  of  Sanskrit  occur  but 
rarely  in  the  derived  languages.  Such  are  I.  E. 
*dwo-dekm,  *duwo-dekm,  tmo  and  ten;  Skt.  dva-daga, 
Grk.  Soj-8eKa,  Suoj-ScKa,  Lat.  duo-decim;  Skt.  candradit- 
yau,  onoon  cDid  sun;  ahoratram,  day  and  night. 

235.  Subordinating  compounds  consist  largely  of 
what  the  grammarians  call  Determinatives,  in  which 
(1)  one  element  stands  in  case  relation  to  the  other 
(Dependent  Compounds),  or  (2)  the  first  element 
stands  to  the  second  in  the  relation  of  adjective  or 
adverb  modifier  (Descriptive  Compounds);  again, 
Determinative  Compounds  may  have  an  adjective 
force  through  the  addition  of  a  secondary  notion  of 
possession,  and  arc  then  called  (3)  Possessive  Com- 
pounds. 


235-236]  Word  Formation*.  101 

Examples  of  these  classes  are  the  following: 

(1)  Anc.  PtTs.  xsa0^a.-psiYa.n,  li/i;//f(i/ii-j>ff/ff  <  for,  sa- 
fr((j)/  arsti-bara  (act.),  ,y>r('r-hra/yr',  asa-bari  (pass.), 
horse-home^  horseman;  uva-marsiyu,  dyhifj  hy  one\s 
oirnJidnd;  Skt.  Tn.3itr-sYa.sa.r,m(>fhrr''s  sistvr;  veda-vid, 

T^eda-JiUowhuj ,'   Grk.  vav/Aa;(ia,  hit  tie  of  ships;   TTUTpo- 

<^oVos,  shnjer  of  afatlt  r;  Lat.  s.<Si-st\\.vxB!i,  standing  of 
the  sun;  agri-cola,  ad  tiratnr  (f  the  field. 

(2)  Anc.  Pers.  ariya  c[i]^'a,  of  Aryan  lineage  (the 
two  parts'  of  the  compound  here  possibly  preserving 
enough  of  their  independence  to  T)e  written  sepa- 
rately); u-barta,  'U'ell-extetnud;  ^ura-vahara,  vigorous 
springtime;  Skt.  eka-vira,  only  hero;  maha-dhana, 
great  wealth;  Grk.  eu-yevr/s,  well-horn ;  iKarofji-fSri,  hun- 
dred cattle;  Lat.  meri-dies,  in  id-day;  per-magnus,  very 
large. 

(;>)  Anc.  Pers.  u-martiya,  possessing  good  men;  ti- 
gra-xauda,  having  a  pointed  caji;  hama-pitar,  having 
a  cinnmon  father;  Skt.  brhad-ratha,  having  great 
chariot-^;  agni-tejas,  having  the  hrigJitness  of  fire; 
Grk.  dpyvpo-Toio^^  having  a  silver  hoic;  Terpa-Trous, 
having  four  feet;  Lat.  flavi-comus,  having  yellow  hair; 
bi-dens,  h<iring  two  teeth. 

236.  Classilied  according  to  their  form,  compounds 
may  have  for  the  first  member  (1)  the  stem  of  an  in- 
flected noun,  adjective,  or  pronoun;  (2)  a  particle 
uninflected  from  Indo-European  times;  (8)  an  original 
adverbial  form  used  also  independently;  (tt)  a  case 
form  or  an  adverb  developed  after  Indo-European 
times. 

Examples  of  these  classes  are  the  following: 

(1)  Anc.  Pers.  xsayarsan,  for  xsaya-arsan,  king- 
inan.,  Xerxes;  paru-zana,  having  ma)! y  people;  uva- 


102  Word  Formation.  [236-237 

marsiyu^  dyivg  hy  07ie's  o^rn  hand,'  Skt.  deva-sena, 
amy  of  gods:  brhad-ratha,  having  great  chariotxj 
Grk.  ySou-\,;-<^&pos,  counxcl-hearing ,'  KaKo-Satfxwv^  ill- 
fated;  avTo-vo/Aos,  with  its  ov^n  laws,'  Lat.  signi-fer, 
standard-hearer ;  magn-animus,  great-soided. 

(2)  Anc.  Pers.  a-xsata,  unhurt;  an-ahita,  spotless 
{goddesK);  dusi-yara,  had  harvest;  Skt.  a-ksata,  iin- 
hnrt;  dur-manas,  iU-tJtinling;  Grk.  a-yvwros,  vn- 
l'no7vn;  a-TrXous,  one-fold;  8vcr-fji€VT/]s,  ill-tJtinl'lng;  Lat. 
in-eptus,  nnsuited;  sim-plex,  one-fold. 

(o)  Anc.  Pers.  fra-tarta,  departed  from;  Skt.  pra- 
f^dith.a.j  forward 2xdJi;  Grk.  irpo-rjy^jxdiv^  guide  {going) 
before;  Lat.  T^TO-cuTsus,forwa7'd running.  (Adverbial 
elements  of  compounds  are  mentioned  below,  546.) 

(4)  Skt.  T^ustim-bhaia.,  2»'osj)erity-ljringi ng ;  visu-vrt, 
turnij^g  to  hofh  sides;  Grk.  Aioo-Kovpot,  so7iS  of  Zeus; 
7raXat-<^aTos,  said  long  ago;  Lat.  postri-die,  on  the  nesct 
day;  bene-volens,  loell-ioishing. 

2.  Suffixes. 

237.  When  either  element  of  a  compound  has 
ceased  to  be  regarded  as  ever  having  been  distinct, 
then  the  word  is  to  be  considered  simple.  But  if  one 
element,  while  losing  its  independence,  is  still  recog- 
nized as  having  a  definite  value  in  a  series  of  simi- 
larly formed  words,  it  then  becomes  a  prefix  or  a 
suffix  to  the  other  element;  e.  </.,  Eng.  -ly,  for  like, 
originally  lie,  hody^  in  friend-ly,  man-ly,  kind-ly,  etc. 
But  the  original  signification  of  most  suffixes,  even 
the  question  whether  they  ever  existed  as  independ- 
ent words,  it  is  now  impossible  to  determine.  They 
are  used  either  to  form  new  words  or  to  indicate  dif- 
ferent relations  of  words  in  sentences;  i.  e.,  we  have 


237-239]  Word  Formation-.  103 

word-forming  suffixes  and  inflectional  suffixes;  e.  r/,, 
I.  E.  *p9ter,,/)/r//^/',  *mater,  7//r9Mtf/',  Anc.  Pers.  pitar, 
-matar,  Skt.  pitar,  matar,  Cirk.  TraTrjp^  M'^Wi  L'^t.  pater, 
mater,  show  the  word  forming  suffix  -ter,  while  in  the 
accusative  case,  I.  E.  *p9-ter-5i,  *ma-ter-m,  Skt.  pita- 
ram,  mataram,  Grk.  Trarcpa,  (x-qripa^  Lat.  patrem,  ma- 
trem,  appears  the  inflectional  suffix  -m  in  addition  to 
the  -ter  suffix. 

238.  A  formative  suffix  may  be  added  to  what  is 
already  a  combination  of  root  and  suffix,  in  which 
case  the  first  suffix  is  called  primary  and  the  other 
secondary.  The  name  secondary  is  thus  commonly 
applied  to  the  suffix  of  a  word  derived  from  a  noun 
stem  as  distinguished  from  that  of  a  word  derived 
directly  from  a  root  or  verbal  stem,  since  the  noun 
stem  itself  is  so  often  a  derivative  from  a  verb. 

Nouns  which  add  their  case  suffixes  directl}'^  to  a 
root  are  called  root  nouns. 

239.  In  all  kinds  of  elements  appear  changes  of 
vowel  gradation,  which,  as  has  before  been  stated 
(119ft'),  were  due  to  the  influence  of  accent,  but, 
while  certain  grades  of  vowels  were  regularly  con- 
nected with  certain  forms,  and,  as  will  be  seen  later, 
thus  came  to  have  an  important  relation  to  inflec- 
tional changes,  yet  their  use  was  originally  the  result 
of  accent,  and  they  were  not  a  part  of  the  inflection. 
Thus,  root  nouns  had  originally  a  distinction  of  vowel 
gradation  for  dift'erent  cases,  but  even  in  the  Indo- 
pAiropean  period  a  leveling  process  had  already  be- 
gun which  often  led  to  the  generalization  of  one 
ablaut  form.  Some  nouns  have  preserved  the  dis- 
tinction in  the  derived  languages,  while  others  appear 
without  vowel  gradation;  e.  f/.,  I.  E.  *ped,  *p6d,/6'6'^, 


104  Word  Formation,  [239-240 

shows  in  nom.  so^.,  Skt.  pat,  Grk.  irou's,  Dor.  ttws,  Lat. 
pes,  but  o^en,  sof.,  Skt.  padas,  Grk.  -n-oSo's,  Lat.  pedis. 
But  from  I.  E.  *naus,  sJdjj^  the  extended  grade  of  the 
diphthong  appears  in  all  places,  as  nom.  sg.,  Skt. 
naus,  Grk.  mvs,  Lat.  navis;  gen.  sg.  1.  E.  *nawos. 
Skt.  navas,  Grk.  Dor.  vao's,  Ion.  vt^o's,  Lat.  navis. 
The  following  suffixes  occur  in  Ancient  Persian: 

(a)  Primary  Suffixes. 

240.  -a-  <  I.  E.  -e-:-o-.  I.  E.  -0-  originally  oc- 
curred in  the  second  syllable  of  a  dissyllabic  light 
base,  as  *wlqo,  vxdf.  Then  as  a  suffix  it  was  extended 
to  bases  that  had  not  the  accent  on  the  second  sylla- 
ble. In  ablaut  relation  with  -0-  was  -e-,  both,  of 
course,  becoming  -a-  in  Ancient  Persian  (89,  93) ;  e.  g. , 
gausa,  ear,,  YAv.  gaosa,  Skt.  ghosa. 

-an-  <  I.  E.  -en-.  This  had,  by  vowel  gradation, 
the  I.  E.  forms  -en-,  -on-,  -en-,  -on-,  -n-,  and  (before 
consonants)  -n-.  It  was  added  usually  to  the  low 
grade  of  the  root  and  had  various  meanings;  it 
formed  primary  noinina  agentis^  substantives  from 
adjectives,  names  of  animate  objects,  of  parts  of  the 
body,  etc.  It  occurs  in  the  Anc.  Pers.  *arsan,  ntan,, 
of  the  compound  xsayarsan  (236.  1),  YAv.  arsan, 

Grk.  apd-qv. 

-ana-  <  I.  E.  -eno- :  -ono-.  This  suffix  is  used  mostly 
in  the  formation  of  participles  and  abstract  nouns; 
e,  g.,  Anc.  Pers.  draujana,  hjuig;  hamarana,  hattle. 

-ah-  <  I.  E.  -es-:-os-.  Even  in  the  earliest  period, 
for  the  substantive  the  form  of  this  suffix  in  -os- 
seems  to  have  been  used  in  the  nom.  sg.,  elsewhere 
-es-;  and  for  the  adjective  -es-  was  added  for  the  mas- 
culine, -es-  for  the  neuter.     The  root  syllable  has  the 


240 1  W(>I{I)   FoR.MATIOX.  105 

hiofh  ^nulc  of  \ owel  jiiid  cairios  the  accent  in  nouns, 
but  the  accent  is  on  the  endin*):  in  adjectives.  It  was 
commonly  used  in  neuter  ahstnict  nouns  or  in  com- 
pound adjectives  made  from  such  nouns;  e.  ^.,  Anc. 
Pers.  raucah,  day^  Av.  raocah. 

-  -i-  <  I.  E.  -i-.  This  suffix  in  Indo-European 
formed  masculine  and  feminine  nouns  and  adjectives. 
In  Aryan  it  formed  vouumi,  aqoitix  masculine,  and 
abstract  ver])al  nouns,  usually  feminine.  The  grade 
of  the  root  varied.  The  suffix  is  seen  in  Anc.  Pers. 
baji,  trihiif('. 

-is-  <  I.  E.  -9S-.  This  9  seems  to  have  originated 
in  the  second  syllable  of  a  dissylla]:)ic  heavy  base, 
having  the  accent  on  the  tirst  syllal)le  (129),  being 
the  low  grade  of  the  suffix  -es-:-os-,  -es-:-os-,  and 
having  been  generalized.  The  suffix  was  used  in  the 
formation  of  neuter  nouns;  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  hadfs, 
dwelling  ■place. 

-u-  <  I.  E.  -U-.  This  suffix  was  generally  used  to 
form  adjectives  and  was  added  to  the  low  grade  of 
the  root,  though  the  high  grade  may  once  have  been 
used  in  certain  eases;  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  paru,  many., 
YAv.  pouru,  Skt.  puru;  Anc.  Pers.  a-u-ra,  god.,  Av. 
ah-u-ra,  Skt.  as-u-ra. 

-ka-  ;  I.  PI  -qo-.  The  original  signification  of  this 
suffix  is  not  plain.  It  occurs  in  Anc.  Pers.  uska,  dry 
land.,  YAv.  huska. 

-ta-  <  I.  E.  -to-.  As  a  primary  suffix  this  was  used 
to  form  participial  adjectives  and  related  sul)stantives. 
It  was,  therefore,  added  to  the  low  grade  of  a  root, 
and  commonly  the  form  was  perfect  passive  in  mean- 
ing, as  Anc.  Pers.  basta,  hound.,  karta,  done. 

-tar-  <  I.  E.  -ter-.     This  suffix  occurred  almost  en- 


lOG  Word  Formation.  [240 

tirely  in  nomlna  cujentis  and  nouns  of  relationship, 
the  former  masculine,  the  latter  masculine  or  femi- 
nine according  to  sex.  In  its  ablaut  grades  the  suf- 
fix appeared  also  as  -tor-,  -ter-,  -tor-,  -tr-,  and  (before 
consonants)  -tr-.  It  was  added  usually  to  the  high 
grade  of  the  root.  Examples  are:  Anc.  Pers.  jatar 
or  ja"tar,  smiter,  YAv.  jantar,  Skt.  hantar;  Anc. 
Pers.  ^itaXy  father^  Av.  pitar,  Skt.  pitar. 

-tah-  <  I.  E.  -t-es-.  This  suffix  appears  in  Anc. 
Pers.  rautah,  river^  Skt.  srotas. 

-ti-  <  I.  E.  -ti-.  This  suffix  was  used  in  Indo- 
European  chiefly  to  form  feminine  nomina  actionls. 
In  Aryan,  infinitives  were  developed  from  these 
nouns.  The  root  is  regularly  of  the  low  grade,  al- 
though before  the  leveling  process  had  its  efl'ect  the 
root  vowel  probably  varied  in  its  grade  according  to 
the  accent  of  the  cases;  e.  g.^  Anc.  Pers.  siyati,  well- 
heing^  YAv.  sati. 

-tu-  (or  -^u-  through  the  influence  of  -6^-)  <  I.  E. 
-tu-.  This  was  used  in  the  formation  of  abstract  sub- 
stantives or  verbal  nouns,  which  originally  were  mas- 
culine, but  by  analogy  became  feminine  in  Greek 
and  sometimes  in  Aryan  and  Germanic.  In  Aryan, 
as  in  Latin  and  Balto-Slavonic,  this  ending  makes  in- 
finitives (gerunds  and  supines).  The  grade  of  the 
root  vowel  varied  (cf.  Grk.  KXetrv's,  kXltvs).  The  suf- 
fix is  seen  in  Anc.  Pers.  ga^u,  j^lace^  Av.  gatu,  Skt. 
gatu. 

-^'a-  <  I.  E.  -tro-.  This  suffix  is  added  to  the  high 
grade  of  the  root  and  indicates  the  instrument  or  the 
place  of  an  action;  e.  f/.,  Anc.  Pers.  xsa^'a,  l-ingdom^ 
root  xsi,  rule^  A  v.  xsa^ra,  Skt.  ksatra. 

-na-  <  I.  E.  -no-.     This  suHix  formed  verbal  adjec- 


240]  Word  Formatiox.  107 

lives  and  substantives,  the  adjectives  having  usually 
tlie  low  orrjide  of  the  root  and  the  substantives  usu- 
ally the  hi<j:h;  e.  </.,  Anc.  IVrs,  haina,  arunj^  YAv. 
haena,  Skt.  sena. 

-nah-  ■ :;  I.  E.  -n-es-.  This  results  from  the  addi- 
tion of  -es-  to  -n-  (i-f.  tah  <  I.  E.  -t-es-  above);  e.  </.^ 
Anc.  Pers.  *farnah,  (jlory^  in  vi"dafarnah;  cf.  Av. 
x'aranah. 

-nt-  -^  I.  E,  -nt-,  -nt-.  This  suffix,  with  also  the 
giadcs  -ent-,  -ont-,  formed  all  active  participles  except 
the  })erfect,  the  orrade  of  the  root  varying  in  the  dif- 
ferent case  forms.  An  Ancient  Persian  example  is 
*vi"da-,  ^/?n6?/V?(/,  in  vi"dafarnah. 

-man-  <  I.  E.  -men-.  This  was  used  to  form  usu- 
ally nomina  actionis^  sometimes  nomina  agentis.  The 
former  became  in  Aryan,  as  in  Greek,  infinitives. 
The  root  must  have  varied  originally  in  the  different 
case  forms,  but  through  the  leveling  process  the  high 
gi-ade  became  general.  The  suffix  is  seen  in  Anc. 
Pers.  asman,  ^fj/'i/t  a //I  en  f,  YAv.  asman,  Skt.  agman. 

-yu-  ;  I.  E.  -yn-.  This  suffix,  added  to  the  low 
grade  of  the  root,  formed  both  nouns  and  adjectives; 
e.  (J. ,  Anc.  Pers.  dahyii,  province,  YAv.  dahyu,  Skt. 
dasyn. 

-ra-  <  I.  E.  -ro-.  This  was  used  in  the  formation 
of  both  substantives  and  adjectives,  being  added 
originally  to  the  low  grade  of  the  root,  although 
sometimes  the  root  varies  in  the  derived  languages; 
as  Anc.  Pers,  *^uxra,  hrujht  (cf.  ^uxra,  proper  name), 
YAv.  suxra,  Skt.  gukra. 

-uva-,  -pa-  <  I.  PI  -UWO-,  -wo-.  This  suffix  formed 
both  substantives  and  adjectives,  but  no  special  mean- 
ing is  apparent;  e.  (J.,  Anc.  Pers.  haruva,  YAv.  haorva, 


108  Word  For.matiox.  [240-241 

Skt.  sarva;  Anc.  Pers.  aspa-,  horne^  YAv.  aspa,  Skt. 
agva. 

-siya-  <  Ar.  -t-ya-.  This  appears  in  Ano.  Pers. 
anusiya,  devoted  to^  from  anuv,  along^  after;  haxa- 
manisiya,  AcJuemenidan^  if  not  treated  as  an  is-stem. 

-siyu-  <  I.  E.  -t-yn-.  This  was  added  to  the  low 
grade  of  the  root  and  appears  in  Anc.  Pers.  *niarsiyu, 
dying^  in  uvamarsiyu,  Av.  mara^yu,  Skt.  mrtyu. 

(b)  Secondary  Suffixes. 

241.  Of  the  suffixes  mentioned  above,  the  following 
occur  also  as  secondary  suffixes  in  Ancient  Persian: 

-a-  <  I.  E.  -e- : -0-;  t".  g.^  u-zm-a,  what  is  iij)  from 
the  earthy  stake;  margava,  Marg'ian,,  from  margus, 
Margiana. 

-aria-  <  I.  E.  -eno- :  -ono-;  e.  g. ,  varkana,  Ilyrcania^ 
cf .  YAv.  vshrka,  v^olf 

-ka-  <  I.  E.  -qo-;  e,  -y.,  ba"daka,  mhjed.,  from  *ba°da, 
hond^  YAv.  banda,  Skt.  bandha. 

-ra-  <  I.  E.  -ro-;  e.  g.^  aura,  god^  Av.  ahura,  Skt. 
asura. 

In  addition  to  these,  the  following  secondary  suf- 
fixes occur  in  Ancient  Persian: 

-ara-,  -tara-  <  I.  E.  -ero-,  -tero-.  This  was  used  in 
forming  comparatives  (296,  298);  e.  g.,  apara,  after, 
a.ipa.ta.T a.,  further,  both  comparatives  from  apa-,  away, 
Av.  apara,  Skt.  apara,  apataram. 

-i-  <  I.  E.  -i-.  This  suffix  was  from  the  earliest 
times  used  to  form  feminines;  as,  harauvati,  A/-</(ho- 
sia,  from  *harah,  nrafer  (cf.  Skt.  sr,  foir)  -f-  vant  +  i- 

-in-  <  I.  E.  -yen- :  -in-.  Of  the  various  Indo-Euro- 
pean forms  of  this  suilix,  -in-  became  generalized  in 
Aryan  and  was  used  to  form  denominative  adjectives; 


241]  Woitl)    I'oUMATIOX.  101) 

<-.  '/.,  yiOin  {'{),  ro//(f/.    (Sec  Tolman  Zex.y  p.  125,  s.  v. 
vi^^'ib"is".) 

-ista-  I.  K.  -is-to-.  This  suffix  in  the  Indo- 
P^uropeun  period  formed  the  supcrhitive  wlien  the 
coiuinirutive  hud  -yes-  (300).  So  Auc.  Pcrs.  ma^ista 
(without  formative  suffix),  greatest,  from  *ma.O. 

-tama-  <  I.  E.  -tmmo-.  This  Avas  a  superlative  suf- 
tix,  occuring  in  Anc.  Pers.  fratama,  foremost,  from 
ixBi-,  forth  (302). 

-ma-  <  I.  E.  -mo-,  -mmo-.  This,  also  a  superlative 
suffix,  was  used  in  words  denoting  order,  rank,  or 
number;  e.  g.,  navama,  ninth,  YAv.  nauma,  Skt. 
navama. 

-ya-,  -iya-  <  I.  E.  -yo-,  -iyo-.  This  suffix  in  Indo- 
p]uropean  formed  denominative  and  verbal  adjectives, 
the  feminine  and  neuter  of  which  often  became  ab- 
stract substantives,  also  in  some  instances  adjectives 
with  comparative  meaning;  e.  r/.,  hasiya,  true,  from 
*hat,  I.  E.  *snt,  low  grade  stem  to  the  present  parti- 
ciple of  *es,  he,  YAv.  hai^ya,  Skt.  satya;  duvitiya, 
second,  GAv.  daibitya,  YAv.  bitya,  Skt.  dvitiya. 

-yah-  <  I.  E.  -yes-.     This  was  a  comparative  suffix 
appearing  as  -is-  in  the  superlative  in  -is-to-  (296,  300) 
<?.  g.,  *vahyah,  letter,  without  formative  suffix  (cf. 
Skt.  vasu,  good)  in  proper  name  vahyazdata. 

-vant-  <  I.  E.  -went- : -wnt-.  This  suffix  in  Aryan, 
as  in  Greek,  formed  denominative  adjectives  and 
usually  denoted  possession;  e.  g.,  harauvati,  Aracho- 
shi,  from  *harah,  icater  -j-  vat,  Skt.  sarasvati. 


110  The  Declension  of  Nouns.        [242-244 

CHAPTER  IX. 
The  Declension  of  Nouns. 

242.  Nouns  and  adjectives,  which  were  declined 
alike  in  the  parent  tongue,  fall  into  two  general  classes 
according  as  the  stem  ended  in  a  vowel  or  a  conso- 
nant. That  is,  from  Indo-European  times  there  ex- 
isted a  Vocalic  and  a  Consonantal  Declension. 

243.  There  w^ere  originally  three  numbers,  Singu- 
lar, Dual,  and  Plural.  The  dual  seems  to  have  been 
used  first  of  pairs  of  ol)jects  and  was  often  marked 
by  a  modifying  word  meaning  two^  or  hotk.  Such  a 
word  would  in  time  come  to  be  regarded  as  sufficient 
sign  of  a  dual  meaning,  then  the  noun  easily  went 
over  to  the  plural,  and  dual  forms  began  to  fall  into 
disuse.  The  dual  more  nearly  held  its  own  in  the 
Aryan  languages,  in  Greek,  Old  Irish,  and  Balto- 
Slavonic. 

244.  In  the  very  early  Indo-European  period  it  is 
probable  that  no  distinction  of  form  indicated  differ- 
ence of  gender.  The  meaning  of  the  word  deter- 
mined its  gender,  and,  further,  there  might  be  a  mod- 
ifying demonstrative,  which  seems,  from  the  earliest 
period,  to  have  had  distinctive  gender  forms.  That 
nouns  of  the  a-declension  came  to  be  considered  as 
feminine,  or  those  of  the  o-declension  as  masculine, 
was  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  a  large  number  of 
nouns  of  each  of  these  classes  were  feminine  or  mas- 
culine in  meaning,  and  the  characteristic  of  a  group 
within  the  class  was  later  applied  to  the  entire  class. 
Then  -a-  could  be  used  to  form  fomi nines,  or  -0-  to 
form  masculines,  of  derivative  nouns;  and  while,  in 
accordance  with  the  original  rule,  natural  gender 


244-247]        TiiK  Declension  of  Nouns.  Ill 

sometimes  had  the  preference  in  the  derived  lan- 
o^uages,  yet  in  many  instances  grammatical  gender  is 
observed  regardless  of  the  word  meaning. 

The  neuter  as  a  distinct  form  was  developed  later 
than  the  masculine  and  feminine.  But  all  three  gen- 
ders must  have  been  fully  established  by  the  time  of 
the  separation  of  the  languages. 

245.  The  Indo-European  had  eight  cases:  Nomina- 
tive, Vocative,  Accusative,  Genitive,  Ablative,  Dative, 
Locative,  and  Instrumental. 

1.  Indo-European  Case  Endings. 

246.  What  the  endings  of  the  various  cases  origi- 
nally meant  cannot  now  be  determined,  although  it 
is  not  improbable  that  most  of  them  were  once  dis- 
tinct words,  which  foil  later  to  the  rank  of  suffixes. 
Whatever  their  origin  may  have  been,  it  seems  that 
long  before  the  separation  of  the  languages  these 
suffixes  had  lost  their  primitive  signification  and  had 
become  mere  stereotyped  endings. 

(a)  Masculines  and  Fcminines. 
Singula7\ 

247.  The  Nominative  of  masculine  and  feminine 
nouns  was  (1)  sometimes  the  bare  stem,  as  in  a-stems 
(cf.  -9  and  -i  in  nominative  of  ya-stems),  or  (2)  the 
vowel  of  the  stem  ending  might  l)e  lengthened,  as  in 
n-,  r-,  and  s-stems;  again  (3)  the  termination  -s  was 
added  without  lengthening  the  vowel  of  the  stem 
ending,  as  in  0-,  i-,  u-,  i-,  u-stems  and  those  ending  in 
an  explosive  (except  monosyllal)ic  or  root  nouns),  or 
(4)  the  -s  was  added  with  lengthening  of  the  vowel  of 
the  stem  ending,  as  in  monosyllabic  consonant  stems 


112  The  Declexsion  of  Nouns,        [247-250 

and  those  ending  in  a  diphthong.  The  following  ex- 
amples will  illustrate:  (1)  I.  E.  *ekwa,  riiare^  Skt. 
agva,  Anc,  Pers.  tauma,  Grk.  x<^P«5  Lat.  equa;  (2)  I. 
E.  k(u)wo(n),  dog^  Grk.  kvW;  I.  E.  *mater,  ytothei\ 
Skt.  mata,  Anc.  Pers.  -mata,  Grk.  /at/ti^p;  I,  E.  dus- 
menes,  ill-disposed^  Skt.  dusmanas,  Grk.  Si^o-/j.ev7;s;  (3) 
I.  E.  *wlqo-s,  wolf^  Skt.  vrkas;  I.  E.  *owi-s,  sheej), 
Skt.  avis;  I.  E.  *sunu-s,  sow,  Skt,  sunus;  I.  E.  *nepti-s, 
female  descendant.,  Skt.  naptis;  I.  E.  *swekru-s, 
mother-in-laiL\  Skt.  gvagrus;  1.  E.  -tat-s,  Skt.  sarvatat, 
Av.  ha"rvatas,  Grk.  oXdry??,  Lat.  novitas;  (4)  I.  E. 
*woq-s,  voice^  Skt.  vak,  Av.  vaxs,  Lat.  vox  (Grk.  o\p 
with  short  vowel  from  oblique  cases);  1.  E.  *naus, 
ship^  Skt.  naus,  Grk.  vavs. 

248.  The  Vocative  had  no  ending.  The  change  of 
-a  of  the  stem  to  -a,  and  of  -0  to  -e,  was  an  ablaut  re- 
lation; -i  and  -u,  under  the  influence  of  accent  became 
-ei,  -oi,  and  -eu,  -ou;  the  bare  stem  was  a  vocative  for 
stems  in  a  diphthong,  in  -n,  -nt,  -r,  -s;  while  some- 
times, as  in  stems  ending  in  a  simple  explosive,  the 
nominative  served  as  a  vocative. 

249.  The  Accusative  ending  was  -m  for  vowel-stems 
and  -m  for  consonant  stems;  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *wlqo-m,  Skt. 
vjkam,  Grk.  Xvkov^  Lat.  lupum;  1.  E.  k(u)w6n-iti,  Skt. 
^vanam,  Grk.  Kvva  (for  '^kvovo). 

250.  The  Genitive  ending  through  ablaut  changes 
appeared  as  -as,  -os,  and  -s;  -es  and  -os  following  a 
consonant,  and  -s  following  a  vowel.  Where  the  ac- 
cent fell  on  the  ending,  -es  occurred;  if  the  preceding 
syllable  had  the  accent,  the  ending  was  -os.  Exam- 
ples of  the  genitive  are  I,  E.  *snt-es,  -os,  heing^  Skt. 
satas,  Grk.  oWos;  I,  E,  *ekwa-s,  Grk,  x*^P«5- 

The  o-stems,  however,  had  a  genitive  ending,  -syo  or 


250-254]       The  Dkclension  op  Nouns.  113 

-so,  taken  fwm  the  pronominal  declension  (334),  o-syo 
becoming  Skt.  a-sya,  Anc.  Pers.  a-hya,  Grk.  -oto,  and 
o-so  appearing  in  the  Grk.  -ov;  e.  r/.,  I.  E.  *wlqo-syo, 
Skt.  vrkasya,  Anc.  Pers.  karahya  (-a  for  -a),  Grk. 

XvKOlO^    \vKOV. 

251.  In  the  earliest  period  the  Ablative  had  the 
same  ending  as  the  genitive,  but  as  o-stems  borrowed 
the  -syo  genitive  ending  from  the  pronouns,  they  also 
formed  an  ablative  in  -ed,  -od  after  the  analogy  of  the 
pronominal  declension;  e.  r/.,  I.  E.  *wlq-od,  -ed,  Skt. 
vrkad,  Lat.  lupo(d),  recte(d)  (cf.  311). 

252.  The  original  ending  of  the  Dative  was  -ai, 
which  in  the  a-  and  o-declensions  united  with  the 
vowel  of  the  stem,  and  the  result  of  the  contraction 
was  -ai,  -oi;  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *snt'ai,  Skt.  sate;  I.  E.  *ekwai, 
Skt.  agvayai,  Grk.  X'^P??  L*it-  equae;  I.  E.  *wlqoi, 
Skt.  vrkaya,  Av.  vohrkai,  Grk.  A-ukw,  Lat.  Iup5. 

253.  For  a  Locative,  a-,  0-,  i-,  u-,  and  consonant- 
stems  added  -i,  though  stems  in  -n,  -r,  and  -s  had  also 
a  locative  with  no  ending;  i-  and  u-stems  had  the  lo- 
cative ending  in  -e(i)  and  -eu,  probably  also  in  -ei,  -eu. 
In  the  a-  and  o-declensions  the  ending  -i  united  with 
the  stem  vowel  and  formed  -ai,  -oi,  -ei.  Hence  in  the 
a-declension  the  ending  became  the  same  as  that  of 
the  dative.  The  following  are  examples  of  the  loca- 
tive: I.  E.  *ekwai,  Skt.  aQvayam,  Grk.  6r](3ai-yevrj^^ 
Lat.  Romae;  I.  E.  wlqoi,  -ei,  Skt.  vrke,  Grk.  ot/cot,  Lat. 
domi;  I.  E.  *snt-i,  Skt.  sati,  Grk.  wn;  I.  E.  *mater-i, 
-tri,  Skt.  matari,  Grk.  /Ar^rept,  -rpi, 

254.  The  Instrumental  ending  cannot  with  certainty 
be  determined.  The  a-,  0-,  i-,  and  u-declensions  show 
the  lengthened  stem  vowel,  -a,  -0  (-e),  -i,  -u,  as  the  in- 
strumental ending;  e.  g.,  I.  E.   *ekwa,  Skt.  agva, 

8 


114  The  Declension  of  Nouns.        [254-257 

Grk.  Dor.  Kpv^a;  I.  E.  *wlqe,  Skt.  vyka.  Other 
nouns  seem  to  have  had  their  instrumental  in  -a,  or 
in  -bhi  or  -mi. 

Dual. 

255.  The  Nominative,  Vocative,  and  Accusative  of 
the  dual  had  the  same  ending.  This  varied  in  the  forms 
from  different  stems:  a-stems  had  for  these  cases  the 
ending  -ai,  o-stems  had  -ou,  -0  (208);  i-stems  had  -i 
and  u-stems  -u;  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *ekw-ai,  7nares,  Skt.  aQve; 
I.  E.  *wlq-ou,  *wlq-o,  wolves,  Skt.  Ved.  vrkau,  vrka, 
Grk.  Xv'ko),  Lat.  ambo;  I.  E.  *ow-i,  sheep,  Skt.  avi;  I. 
E.  *sun-u,  sons,  Skt.  sunu.  For  the  other  stems  the 
Indo-European  ending  cannot  be  determined;  the 
Aryan  languages  have  -au,  -a  by  analogy  with  o-stems, 
the  Greek  has  -e,  possibly  also  a  re-formation. 

256.  From  the  variety  of  endings  presented  for  the 
Genitive  and  Locative  in  the  languages  that  have  pre- 
served the  dual,  it  is  impossible  to  decide  what  end- 
ing these  cases  had  in  the  parent  tongue.  So,  of  the 
Dative,  Ablative,  and  Instrumental,  we  know  only 
that  there  was  a  -bh-  and  an  -m-element,  as  in  Skt. 
-bhyam,  Av.  -bya,  Lith.  -m,  just  as  the  instrumental 
singular  had  -bhi  and  -mi,  and  the  instrumental  plural 
-bhis  and  -mis,  but  further  than  this  the  ending  is  not 
known. 

Plural. 

257.  The  Nominative  plural  (used  also  as  Vocative) 
had  for  all  stems  the  ending  -es.  By  contraction  of 
this  termination  with  the  vowel  of  the  stem  ending 
the  a-declension  had  -as  and  the  o-declension  -6s; 
e.  (J.,  I.  E.  *ekwas,  mares,  for  *ekwa-es,  Skt.  a^vas;  I. 


257-261]        Tiiii  Dkclknsion  of  Xorxs.  11,") 

E.  ■'•"wlqos,  wolvi'fi^  for  *wlqo-es,  Skt.  vrkas;  I.  K.  *trey- 
es,  t/i ?•>.'(',  Skt.  trayas,  (Jrk.  rpcts,  Cret.  rpc'es;  ].  K. 
*sunew-es,  so?iii,  Skt.  sunavas,  (irk.  ^Sels  *T/8£/rcs;  I. 
E.  -'mater-es,  motho's^  Skt.  mataras,  Grk.  /aT/repes. 

258.  In  the  Accusative  -ns  was  the  ending  for  vowel- 
stems,  -ns  for  consonant  stems;  e.  j/.,  I.  E.  *ekwa-ns, 
Grk.  Ti^s,  Cret.  n/xavs,  Lat.  equas;  I.  E.  *wlqo-ns, 
Skt.  vrkan  (277),  Grk.  Avkovs,  Cret.  AuVov?,  Goth, 
wulfans,  Lat.  lupos;  I.  E.  *mnti-ns,  thoughts,  Skt. 
avin,  Av.  azis,  Grk.  Cret.  tto'Xivs,  ion.  tto'Ais,  Lat.  ovis, 
Goth,  anstins;  L  E.  *sunu-ns,  Skt.  sunun  (277),  Grk. 
Cret.  mvVs,  Lat.  manus,  Goth,  sununs;  I.  E.  *snt-ns, 
Skt.  satas,  Grk.  oi/ras. 

259.  The  Genitive  plural  ending  in  Indo-European 
was  -om,  which  in  the  a-declension  may  have  con- 
tracted with  the  -a  of  the  stem  to  form  -am,  but  re- 
mained -om  for  all  other  stems;  e.  g.^  Skt.  a^vanam 
(278);  I.  E.  *wlq-om,  Skt.  vrkan-am  (278),  Vcd.  cara- 
tham,  Grk.  Avkwv,  Lat.  deum  (O.  Lat.  Romanom);  I.  E. 
*triy-6m,  ofthree^  Av.  ^yam,  Grk.  t/:,iwv,  Lat.  trium;  I. 
E.  sun(u)w-om,  Grk.  yovVwv  for  *yoV/:o)v,  Lat.  manuum; 
I.  E.  snt-om,  Skt.  satam,  Grk.  ovtwv. 

260.  The  Dative- Ablative  was  formed  with  -bh- 
or  -m-,  but  with  what  vowel  we  have  no  means  of 
knowing.  (Cf.  these  cases  in  the  singular  and  the 
dual.)  The  Sanski-it  has  -bhyas,  Latin,  -bos,  -bus; 
Lithuanian,  -m(u)s;  r.  _//.,  Skt.  a^vabhyas,  vrkebhyas, 
sunubhyas,  Lat.  manubus  (-ibus),  Lith.  suniims,  Skt. 
matrbhyas. 

261.  The  original  ending  of  the  Locative  plural  is 
not  clear,  though  the  Aryan  and  the  Balto-Slavonic 
point  to  an  Indo-European  -su,  while  the  Greek  has 
-CTi;  c.  g.,  I.  E.  *ekwa-su,  Skt.  aQvasu,  Grk.  'AOrjvrjm; 


no  The  Declension  op  Nouns.        I261-265 

I.  E.  *wlqoi-su,  Skt.  vrkesu,  Grk.  Xi;'Koio-t;.Skt.  trisu, 
Grk.  T/Dto-t;  I.  E,  *sunu-su,  Skt.  sunusu,  (}rk.  Tryxf-^i-:, 
I.  E.  *snt-su,  Skt.  satsu,  Grk.  ovai. 

0 

262.  The  Instrumental  ended  in  -bhis  and  -mis,  ex- 
cept in  the  o-declension,  which  had  -5is;  e.  g.,  I.  E. 
*wlqois,  Skt.  vrkais  (Ved.  vrkebhis),  Grk.  AvVots,  Lat. 
lupis;  Skt.  agvabhis;  I.  E,  *owi-bhis,  Skt.  avibhis;  I. 
E.  *sunu-bhis,  Slvt.  sunubhis;  I.  E.  *matr-bhis,  Skt. 
matrbhis. 

b.  Neuters. 

263.  For  neuter  nouns  the  endings  were  the  same 
as  for  masculines  and  feminines,  except  in  the  Nomi- 
native-Vocative and  the  Accusative.  There  were  no 
neuters  in  the  a-declension.  In  the  singular  of  0- 
stems  the  accusative  neuter  (like  the  masculine)  ended 
in  -m,  and  the  nominative  was  the  same;  e.  g.,1  E. 
*jugo-m,  yoA'e,  Skt.  yugam,  Grk.  ^vydv,  Lat.  iugum. 
In  other  declensions  the  bare  stem  occurred  as  nomi- 
native-accusative, as  Skt.  suci,  rein,  Grk.  iS/ai;  Skt. 
madhu,  honey,  Grk.  [ikQv;  Skt.  udhar,  'adder,  Grk. 
ovOap,  Lat.  uber;  I.  E.  *menos,  Skt.  manas,  Grk.  /AtVos. 

264.  In  the  dual  the  Nominative-Vocative- Accusa- 
tive of  o-stems  ended  in  -oi;  other  stems  seem  to  have 
had  -i;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *jugoi,  Skt.  yuge;  I.  E.  *snt-i,  Skt. 
sati.  So  also  Av.  visaiti,  Grk.  Boeot.  /rt'/cart,  Lat. 
viginti. 

265.  In  the  plural  these  three  cases  of  o-stems  had 
the  ending  -a,  i-stems  had  -i,  u-stems  had  -u,  and  con- 
sonant stems  had  9  (from  which  Skt.  -i);  e.  g.,  I.  E. 
*jug-a,  Ved.  yuga,  Grk.  C^ya,  Eat.  iuga,  Goth,  juka; 
Ved.  tri,  Lat.  tri-ginta;  Ved.  madhu;  I.  E.  *sent-9, 
*sont-9,  Skt.  santi  (Ved.),  (Jrk.  ovra. 


265-267 1        Tin:  Dhci.kxsiox  of  Nurxs.  117 

The  -a  of  the  iiouler  phiral  is  the  same  as  the  end- 
ing of  the  nominative  sinijular  of  the  a-<leclension, 
for  this  phiral  was  originally  only  a  collective  noun 
in  the  sino^ular.  If  the  -9  of  consonant  stems  is  to  be 
reofarded  as  the  low  orrade  of  a,  and  the  -i  and  -u  of  the 
i-  and  u-stems  as  resnltinof  from  the  contraction  of 
the  stem  vowel  with  -9,  then  all  these  plural  forms 
.would  be  traceable  to  the  same  collective  singular. 

2.  Case  Endings  of  the  Ancient  Persian. 

266.  Of  the  eight  cases  belonging  to  the  Indo- 
European,  the  Ancient  Persian  preserved  seven  regu- 
larly, the  dative  having  been  lost,  except  in  certain 
pronouns,  and  its  functions  taken  over  by  the  geni- 
tive. With  the  loss  of  the  final  explosive  (229)  of 
the  ablative  singular  ending  of  a-stems  (I.  E.  -6d :  -ed), 
this  case  and  the  instrumental  singular  came  to  be 
written  alike,  while  in  a-stems  and  consonant  stems 
the  ablative  and  the  genitive  were  the  same.  Very 
few  dual  forms  occur,  and  these  only  in  the  nomina- 
tive-accusative and  ablative-instrumental  cases. 

a.  Masculines  and  Feminines. 
Singular. 

267.  As  in  Indo-European,  the  Nominative  of  nouns 
in  -a  was  the  bare  stem;  e.  </.,  Anc.  Pers.  haina,  (fr/ni/, 
tsiuma.,  fa jiuhj.  Cf.  I.  E.  *ekwa.  So  also  in  n-,  r-, 
S-,  and  s-stems,  as  xsa^'apava  (stem  xsa^''apavan),  brata 
(stem  bratar),  vi'dafarna  (stem  -nah),  haxamanis.  a- 
stems  representing  Indo-European  o-stems,  with 
Aryan  nominative  -as  (93),  losing  the  -s  (192)  present 
also  the  bare  stem  as  nominative;  as  kara  (for  *karah 
<  *karas).     i-  and  u-stems  have  their  nominative  in 


]18  The  Declkxsion  of  Nouns.        [267-271 

s,  the  Aryan  alteration  of  Indo-European  s  following 
these  vowels  (190);  as  siyatis,  welfare^  kurus,  Cyruii. 
The  Ancient  Persian  has  also  extended  the  s-suffix, 
by  analogy,  to  the  i-stems  (<  I.  E.  ye-steius),  as 
baxtris,  stem  baxtri,  Bactria. 

268.  The  Vocative  had  no  ending.  An  example 
from  an  a-stem  (I.  E.  o-stem)  occurs  in  martiya,  man 
(-a  for -a  <  I.  E. -e,  61). 

269.  In  the  Accusative  the  Indo-European  -m  and 
-m  appear  as  -m  and  -am,  respectively;  thus,  hainam 
(<  I.  E.  -a-m),  karam  (  c  I.  E.  -o-m),  siyatim  ( <  I.  E, 
-i-m),  magum  (<  I.  E.  -u-m),  harauvatim  (i-stem), 
asmanam  (<  I.  E.  -n-m),  framataram  (<  I.  E.  -r-m), 
naham  (<  I.  E.  -s-m),  vi^am  (<  I.  E.  -m). 

270.  The  Indo-European  -es,  -os,  -s  of  the  Genitive 
singular,  represented  in  Aryan  by  -as,  -s  (93,  190), 
lost  the  final  -s  in  Ancient  Persian  (192),  but  in  i-and 
u-stems  Aryan  s  from  Indo-European  s  (190)  re- 
mained as  the  ending  (193);  e.  g.^  pi^'"a  (for  -ah  < 
Iran,  -as),  ^arda  (for  -ah  <  Iran,  -as),  fravartais 
(<  Ar.  -ai-s),  kuraus  (<  Ar.  -au-s). 

Nouns  of  the  a-declension  had  a  genitive  in  -aya, 
an  Aryan  extension  from  the  locative  (283.  a);  e.  (/., 
taumaya  (<  Ar.  -ayas).  The  Indo-European  ending 
-syo,  borrow^ed  from  the  pronominal  declension  by 
o-stems  (250),  appears  in  Ancient  Persian  in  the  gen- 
itive of  a-stems,  which  have  -hy^'a,  -hya;  e.  g.,  mar- 
tiyahya,  garmapadahya.  i  stems  had  -ya  (<  I.  E. 
-yes,  -yas),  as  bumiya. 

271.  The  Ablative  pronominal  ending  borrowed  by 
o-stems,  I.  E.  -od  :-ed,  became  in  Aryan  -ad  (90,  94), 
and  this  appears  in  the  Ancient  Persian  ending  -a 
from  a-stems  (229),  as  parsa.    The  ablative  of  other 


271-277 1        'J'm*^  Declension  of  Nouns.  119 

than  a-stems  ended  like  the  genitive,  as  in    Indo- 
European. 

272.  The  Locative  of  a-,  a-,  and  consonant-stems, 
like  the  Indo-European,  added  -i,  but  this  ending  was 
often  increased  by  the  post-positive  particle  -a  (588); 
e.  (7.,  parsaiy  (66.  1),  taumaya,  dastaya,  v'^iya,  mahya. 
The  i-  and  u-stcnis  which  in  Indo-European  had  in  the 
locative  -e(i)  and  -eu  (probably  also  -ei  and  -eu)  show 
these  endings  in  the  Ancient  Persian  -a,  -au;  e.  g.^ 
ufrasta,  witJi  severe  pnnUhment ;  babirauv  (66.  1),  in 
Babylon.  The  locative  of  i-stems  had  -ya  ^  I.  E. 
-ye(i)  or  <  Ar.  -yai  +  a  (287.  b). 

273.  In  the  Instrumental  the  long  vowel  that  char- 
acterized the  Indo-European  instrumental  of  a-,  0-, 
i-,  and  u-stems  appears  also  in  Ancient  Persian  a- 
stems,  and  the  same  ending  is  extended  to  consonant 
stems;  e.  g.,  kara,  vi^a. 

Dual. 

274.  The  Nominative- Accusative  dual  of  a-stems 
ended  in  -a  (<  I.  E.  -0),  as  gausa. 

275.  The  Ablative-Instrumental  showed  the  ending 
-biya,  the  same  b-  (bh-)  element  as  belonged  to  the 
Indo-European;  e.  g.,  dastaibiya  u(ta)  padaibiya,  NRb. 
41,  tvith  both  hands  and  feet. 

Plural. 

276.  The  Nominative  plural  of  a-  and  a-  (I.  E.  0-) 
stems  ended  in  -a  (for  -as,  192,  <  I.  E.  -as,  -os);  e.  g., 
aniya  (dahyava),  martiya.  a-stems  have  also  -aha  < 
Ar.  -asas,  as  in  bagaha  (515);  u-stems  have  -a  (for 
-as,  192,  <  I.  E.  -es);  as  dahyava. 

277.  The  Accusative  plural  of  a-stems  ends  in  -a. 
The  Indo-European  accusative  ending  in  this  class  of 


]2()  The  Declexsion  of  Nouns.        [277-278 

nouns,  as  we  have  seen  (258),  was  piol)ably  -ans, 
and  the  Aryan  -as,  Ancient  Persian  -a,  is  probably  an 
extension  of  the  nominative  to  the  accusative  (Tol- 
man  Cu7i.  Sup.,  §106).  Brugmann  KVG.  480,  2, 
argues  for  -as  as  the  original  accusative  ending,  but 
this  can  hardly  explain  the  Greek  (Cret.)  -av?,  (Lesb.) 
-ais.  And  the  Attic  Ti/xds  shows  -avs  changed  to  -as 
after  the  conversion  of  primitive  Greek  a  to  Ionic- 
Attic  rj. 

The  Indo-European  o-stems,  as  has  been  said  (258), 
ended  in  -ons,  which  would  give  the  Aryan  -ans.  The 
Ancient  Persian  has  -a,  the  long  vowel  here,  as  in 
Sanskrit  -an,  being  used  after  the  analogy  of  the 
nominative,  i.  e.,  the  relation  of  nominative  to  accu- 
sative in  the  singular  -a :  -am  was  thus  preserved  in 
the  plural  -a(s) :  -a(n). 

u-stems  had  originally  -uns,  as  Skt.  gatrun,  Grk. 
(Cret.)  mvvs.     dahyava  is  a  re-formation  (286.  1),  end). 

No  examples  of  the  accusative  plural  of  other 
stems  occur. 

278.  The  Genitive  plural  in  Aryan,  instead  of  hav- 
ing simply  -am  after  the  -om  of  the  Indo-European, 
adopted  as  an  ending  for  other  nouns  the  -nam  which 
appeared  in  n- stems;  e.  r/.,  paruvzananam  (stem  in  -a), 
baganam  (stem  in  -a),  dahyunam  (stem  in  -u).  The 
use  of  the  ending  -nam  seems  to  have  begun  in  the 
a-declension  where  the  genitive  plural  in  -am  was 
likely  to  be  confused  with  the  accusative  singular,  and 
where  not  only  the  nominative  singular  had  the  same 
ending  as  that  of  n-stems,  -a,  but  in  Aryan  several 
other  cases  were  similar  in  formation  to  those  of  n- 
stems.  And  from  the  a-stems  the  new  ending  was 
taken  over  by  other  nouns. 


279-283 1        Tin:  Declension  of  Norxs.  121 

279.  The  Locative  followed  the  Indo-European  -s-u, 
to  which  was  added  the  postpositive  particle  -a,  forni- 
insT  -uva  after  -a-  (192)  and  -suva  after  -ai-  and  -u- 
(193);  f.  r/.,  aniyauva  (fcni.),  madaisuva  (<  I.  E.  -oi-su, 
261),  dahyusuva  (I.  E.  -u-su). 

280.  The  Instrumental  of  the  Ancient  Persian  ends 
in  -bis  (<  Ar.  -bhis),  as  raucabis.  This  ending  was 
taken  over  also  by  a-stems,  as  in  martiyaibis,  instead 
of  the  Aryan  -ais  which  followed  the  Indo-European 
-ois. 

Neuters. 

281.  The  Nominative- Accusative  singular  of  neuter 
a-stems  ended  in  -m,  as  in  Indo-European;  e.  (/., 
xsa6'"am  (<  I.  E.  -o-m).  Other  declensions  follow 
the  Indo-European  in  having  the  bare  stem  for  the 
nominative-accusative;  as,  nama  (<  I.  E.  -mn),  rauta 
(<  I.  E.  -s),  hadis  (s-stem). 

282.  The  Nominative- Accusative  plural  follows  the 
Indo-European  and  ends  in  -a,  as  hamarana. 

3.  Paradigms  of  Declension. 

a.   Vowel-Stems. 

283.  Class  I.  a-stems  (I.  E.  a-stems),  fem. 
tdMm.di,famiIy;  a^ura,  Assyria;  aniya  (adj.),  other,' 

paru(v)zana  (adj.),  having  many  hinds  of  people. 


Sg. 

I.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

N. 

-a 

tauma 

a^va 

daena 

A. 

-am 

taumam 

a^vam 

daenam 

G. 

-as 

taumaya 

agvayas 

daenaya 

Ab, 

.  -as 

taumaya 

a^vayas 

daenayat 

L. 

-ai 

a^uraya 

a§vayam 

grivaya 

122 


The  Declension  of  Nouns.        [283-284 


PL 

I.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

N. 

-as 

aniya 

agvas 

A. 

-ans 

aniya 

agvas 

G. 

-am 

paruvzananam 

agvanam 

L. 

-asu 

aniyauva 

agvasu 

Av. 

_      o 

daena 
daenas-ca 
gae^anam 
gae^ahu 
gae^ahva 
(a)  The  genitive  and  ablative  singular  ending  -aya 
is  a  primitive  Aryan  extension  from  the  loc.  on  the 
analogy  of  i-  (I.  E.  ye-)  stems.     In  the  latter  the  loc. 
with  postpositive  -a  ended  in  -ya,  the  gen.  in  -yas, 
and  the  dat.  in  -yai;  in  the  a-declension  the  loc.  with 
postpositive  -a  ended  in  -aya,  and  the  gen.  and  dat. 
were  accordingly  made  to  end  in  -ayas,  -ayai,  respect- 
ively. (Butcf.  287.  b). 

284.  Class  II.  a-stenis  (I.  E.  o-stems),  masc.  and  neut. 

martiya,  m.,  man;  parsa,  m.,  Persian^  Persia;  dasta, 

m.,  hand;   karsa,  m.,  larsa-weight;  gausa,  m.,  ear; 

baga,  m.,  god;  mada,  m.  (adj.),  Median;  hamarana, 

n.,  hattle. 


Sg.           I.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt.             Av. 

N.    -OS 

martiya 

vrkas          ahuro 

V.    -e 

martiya 

vrka           ahura  (-a) 

A.    -om 

martiyam 

vrkam        ahuram 

G.    -osyo 

martiyahya 

vrkasya      ahurahya 

Ab. -6d  (-ed) 

parsa 

vrkad         akat 

L.    -oi,  -ei 

parsaiy 

vrke           aspae-ca 

dastaya 

zastaya 

I.     -b  (-m-,  bh- 

•)  parsa 

vTka.{Ved.)  ahura 

Ih(. 

N.  A.    -ou  -0 

(N.)  karsa 

vrkau,         zasta  (-0) 

(A.)  gausa 

vrksiiVcd.) 

Ab.-I. -bh- 

dastaibiya 

vj-kabhyam  aspae'bya 
(dat. ) 

TiiK  Dkci.knsiox  of  Xorxs.  123 

Anc.  Pcrs.         Skt.  Av. 

martiya  vrkas  aspa 

bagaha  a^vasas  (  V<(7.)  aspanho 

martiya         vrkan  masyas-ca 

martiyanam  vrkanam  aspanam 

caratham  ( Vcd. ) 
madaisuva     vrkesu  aspaesu 

martiyaibis    vrkais  zastais 

m-)  vrkebhis(T't?(Z.) 


hamaranam     yugam  syao^'''n9m 

hamarana       yuga  ( Yed.)  syao^^na 
yugani 

(a)  The  -a  of  thevoc.  sg.  martiya  is  scriptio  lylena 
for  -a  (6i).  So,  also,  the  -hya  of  the  gen.  sg.  where 
the  I.  E.  -syo  is  more  accurately  represented  in  a 
form  like  garmapadahya. 

(b)  In  the  Aryan  gen.  pi.  not  only  did  the  a-stems 
follow  the  a-stems  in  taking  over  the  ending  -nam 
(278),  but,  further,  on  the  analogy  of  the  a-declension, 
the  vowel  of  the  penult  of  this  gen.  form  was  made 
long. 

285.  Class  m.  i-stems  (I.  E.  i-stems),  mase.  and 
fern. 

fravarti,  m.,  Phraortes;  ufrasti,  f.,  severe  pu7iish- 
ment. 


284 

-285]       1 

I'l. 

I.  E. 

N. 

-OS 

A. 
G. 

-ons 
-om 

L. 
I. 

-oi-su 
(-si) 

-ois 
(-bh- 

Neut. 

N. 

A. 

-om 

PI. 

N. 

A. 

-a 

\^y- 

I.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

N. 

-is 

fravartis 

agnis 

paitis 

124 


TiiK  Declension  ov  Notins. 


[285-286 


'^1/ 


/. 

I.  E,       Anc.  Pers. 

Skt.                Av. 

A. 

-im              fravartim 

agnim              paitim 

G. 

-eis,  -ois      fravartais 

agnes               patois 

L. 

-e(i)            ufrasta 

agna(nv7.)    vidata 

(a)  -ais  in  gen.  sg.  occurs  in  cispais,  of  Teuj>eH^ 
scrlptio 2)lena  for  -ais  (cf.  61),  thus  dift'erentiatincf  the 
form  from  the  nom. 

(b)  dip!,  f.,  inscription,  forms  its  loc.  dipiya  after 
the  analogy  of  i-stems  (287). 

(c)  In  the  compound  haxamanis  the  first  element 
haxa-,  friend.,  is  the  nom.  sg.  of  an  i-stem  varj'ing 
from  the  regular  formation  in  -s,  just  as  forms  in  -a 
are  made  from  i-stems  in  other  Aryan  languages;  e.  g. , 
Skt.  sakhi,  friend.,  nom.  sg.  sakha;  YAv.  haxi,  nom. 
sg.  haxa.  This  ending  may  be  derived  from  I.  E. 
-o(i)  or  -e(i),  as  are  the  Greek  nominatives  in  -w,  as 

Tret^w,  gen.  irei^ovs  <^*-oy-o<i. 

286.  Class  IV.  u-stems  (I.  E.  u-stems),  mase.  and 
fern. 

babiru,  m.,  Bahylon;  kuru,  m.,  Cyrus;  ga^u,  m.. 
place;  dahyu,  f.,  p7'ovince. 


Sg. 

I.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

N. 

-us 

babirus 
dahyaus 

gatrus 

vanhus 
bazaus 

A. 

-um 

babirum 
dahyaum 

gatrum 

vohum 
p9r'saum 

G. 

-eus,  -ous 

kuraus 

gatros 

vanhQus 

Ab. 

-eus,  -ous 

babiraus 

gatros 

L. 

-eu  (-eu) 

babirauv 

dahyauva 
ga^ava 

gatrau 

vanhau 

286-287J        'I'm:  l^KCLKxsioN  OF  XouNS'.  125 

Anc.  Pcrs.       Skt.  Av. 

dahyava      ^atravas      vanhavo 


V. 

I.  E. 

N. 

-ewes 

A. 

-uns 

G. 

-(u)wom 

L. 

-usu 

dahyava      gatrun         varihus-ca 
dahyunam  gatrunam    vohunam 
dahyTisuva  ^atrusu       varihusu 

(ii)  In  the  loc.  sg.  babirauv  the  -v  is  added  by  way 
of  pix)tection  to  the  final  -au  (66.  1),  while  in  ga^ava 
Avitli  postpositive  -a,  the  second  element  of  the  diph- 
thong has  been  changed  to  the  semivowel. 

(b)  dahyu,  jtrovinee,  has  certain  of  its  forms  from 
a  diphthongal  stem  in  -au;  i.  e.,  the  extended  grade 
of  the  u-vowel  (121).  The  long  diphthong  of  the 
original  stem-ending  in  the  nom.  sg.  has  been  men- 
tioned above  (247).  After  the  analogy  of  the  nom. 
is  the  re-formation  in  -aum  as  an  ace.  But  alongside 
this  ace.  in  -aum  occm's  the  form  DAHyum  in  Dar. 
Pers.  a.  23,  b.  24.  With  the  same  long  diphthong  is 
formed  the  nom.  pi.  dahyava,  which  then  is  taken 
over  to  serve  also  as  ace.  pi. 

(c)  From  the  Aryan  period,  as  has  been  mentioned 
above  (278),  the  gen.  pi.  of  vowel  stems  had  the  end- 
ing -nam,  borrowed  from  the  declension  of  n-stems, 
first  for  a-stems,  then  for  a-stems,  where,  by  analogy, 
the  final  stem  vowel  was  made  long  (284.  b).  This 
same  influence,  then,  seems  to  have  determined  the 
quantity  of  the  corresponding  vowel  in  other  gen.  pi. 
forms;  hence  dahyunam. 

287.  Class  V.  i-stems  (I.  E.  ye-stems),  fem. 
baxtri,  f.,  Bactna;  bumi,  f.,  earth. 

Sg.  I.  E.     Anc.  Pers.       Skt.  Av. 

N.       -i(-iy8,  -ys)  baxtris     brhati  vanuhi 

A.       -(i)yem        bumim      brhatim       vanuhim(-im) 


llM)  The  Declension  of  Xouns.        [287-288 

Sff.  I.  E.         Anc.  Ters.         Skt.  Av. 

G.       -yes  bumiya         brhatyas         vanhuya 

L.       -ye(i)  baxtriya      brhatyam        p9r'^we 

(a)  The  nom.  in  -is,  instead  of  -i,  is  a  re-formation 
after  the  i-stems,  Class  III.  On  the  same  analogy 
the  ace.  appears  in  -im  instead  of  the  Ai'yan  -im. 

(h)  For  the  form  of  the  loc,  as  baxtriya,  two  ex- 
phmationshave  been  oii'ered:  Tohuan  Cim.  Sujk^^IOI^ 
takes  it  directly  from  the  I.  E.  -(i)ye,  while  Brug- 
mann  KVG  467.  1,  A?uii.  1,  thinks  it  represents  a 
primitive  Aryan  shortening  of  -yay-a(m)  to  -ya(ffl). 

]).  Consonant  Stems. 
288.   Class  VI.   Dental  stems. 

A.  t-stems  (1.  E.  t-stems). 

napat,  m.,  grandson.  '   ;  ; ,  S 

S(j.         I.  E.     Anc.  Pers.  Skt.  Av. 

N.         -ts  napa  napat  ( Ted. )  napa 

(a)  This  nom.  napa  is  an  Iranian  re-formation  on 
the  analogy  of  Class  IX.  A.  (291). 

(b)  If  rauta  in  the  phrase  haca  pirava  nama  rauta, 
Dar.  Sz.  c.  0,  is  to  be  taken  in  the  usual  construction 
with  haca,  we  have  in  it  a  gen.-abl.  form  of  a  t-stem. 
See  Tolman  Zc.r.  Ill,  .«.  v.  pirava. 

B.  ^-sterns  (spirant,  I.  E.  k-stems). 
vi^,  f . ,  court. 

S(j.         I.  E.         Anc.  Pers. 
A.       -m  vi^am 

L.       -i  vi^iya 

I.        -a(?)  v'^a 

(a)  In  v'^"b'1s"ca  of  Bh.  1.  (55  avc  prol)ably  have  an 


Skt. 

Av. 

vigam 

vis9m 

vi^i 

visi,  visya 

viga 

visa 

Sff. 

I.  E. 

A. 

-m 

G. 

-OS,  -es 

L. 

-i 

288-290]        Tiiio  DiX'i.ENsioN  OK  Nouns.  Ili7 

instanco  of  the  instr.  [)I.  of  vi^,  vi^bis;  cf.  Av,  viz'bis. 
Gray  sutj^osls  vi^abis  as  instr.  pi.  n.  See  discussion 
of  these  forms,  Tohiuin  Zci:  125. 

C.  d-stems  (I.  E.  d-stenis). 

patipadam,  ni-padiy,  -^^Sid-,  foot :  Oaid,  f.,  y.^c/r. 

Alio.  Pers.  Skt.  Av. 

patipadam  padam  paSam 

^arda  padas  pa^o 

nipadiy  padi  pai^i 

(a)  The  ace.  form  patipadam  may  be  classed  here, 
accordins:  to  Bthl.  392,  or  it  may  be  the  neuter  of  a 
thematic  adjective,  as  Tohuan  Zex.  108. 

289.  Class  VII.  Labial  stems, 
p-stems  (I.  E.  p-stems). 
xsap,  f.,  night. 

Srj.  I.  E.         Anc.  Pers.        Skt.  Av. 

G.  -OS,  -es  xsapa  ksapas  apas-ca 

(a)  The  form  xsapa,  occurring  only  in  Bh.  1,  20,  is 
classed  by  Tolman  as  gen.,  ])y  others  as  ace.  on  the 
analogy  of  the  neuter  rauca  in  the  same  phrase.  (See 
Tolman  Zex.  83. )  ^ 

(b)  The  root  ap-,  f.,  water,  originally  belonging  to 
this  class,  has  been  transferred  to  the  i-declension 
(Class  v.,  287).  The  form  apisim,  Bh.  1.  95-96,  once 
taken  as  api  (loc.  sg. )  -f-  sim  (Bthl.  389),  is  to  be  re- 
garded as  shortened  from  apis-sim,  apis  being  nora. 
sg.  (Tolman  Lev.  64).  The  loc.  apiya  may  belong  to 
Class  V.  (287)  e(iually  as  well  as  to  p-stems  (as  -i  -f 
postpositive  -a). 

290.  Class  Vni.  Liquid  stems, 
A.  n-stems  (I.  11  n-stems). 


128  The  Declension  of  Nottns.  [290 

xsa^''apavan,  m.,  satrap;  asman,  in.,  stone;  naman, 
n.,  name. 

Sg.        I,  E.  Anc.  Pers.     Skt.  Av. 

N.    -en,  -on  xsa^^'apava   raja  urva 

-e,  -0 
A.    -en-m,  -on-m   asmanam      rajanam  asman9m-ca 

JVeuf.  Sg. 

A.  -mn  nama,  nama  nama        nama 

(a)  The  lengthening  of  the  stem  vowel  in  the  nom. 
has  been  mentioned  above  (247,  267). 

(b)  The  ace.  asmanam  shows  the  extended  grade  of 
the  formative  suffix  (121),  probably  on  the  analogy 
of  the  long  vowel  of  the  suffix  in  the  nom.  But  since 
-en  alternated  with  -on  in  the  Indo-European  declen- 
sion, some  would  hold  that  this  -a-  was  the  Aryan  de- 
velopment of  I.  E.  -0-  in  an  open  syllable  (93,  end). 

(c)  The  form  nama  occurs  with  feminine  nouns, 
and,  as  Tolman  suggests,  may  be  scrijytio plena  influ- 
enced by  the  feminine.  Other  explanations — that  it 
is  part  of  a  possessive  compound  with  feminine  for- 
mation, that  it  comes  from  original  *nomn,  that  it  is 
a  loc.  sg.,  etc. — are  mentioned  in  Tolman  Ledi\  105. 

(d)  [u]c''s"m''  in  Bh.  2.  89  (and  75)  appears  to  be  an 
ace.  of  this  class,  used  in  the  sense  of  the  tioo  eyes 
(Tolman  Lex.  75). 

(e)  uzmaya  cited  by  Bthl.  (402)  as  loc.  sg.  of  an 
m-stem,  is  the  loc.  of  a  thematic  adjective  u-zm-a, 
from  *zam,  earth, 

B.  r-stems  (I.  E.  r-stems)  -tar. 

bratar,  m,,  hrother;  framatar,  m.,  master;  pilar,  m., 
father. 


290-291 


The  J)ix:li:.n,si(».\  of  Noixs. 


129 


% 


/. 

I.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

N. 

-ter,  -tor 
-te,  -to 

brata 

pita 

data 

A. 

-ter-m,-tor-m 

framataram 

pitaram 

dataram 

G. 

-tr-os,  -tr-es 

pi^'a 

pitur 

da^o 

(a)  The  nom.  ending  -ter,  -tor,  was  adopted  by  the 
Greek,  Latin,  and  Germanic  languages,  while  -te,  -to 
survived  in  the  -ta  of  the  Aryan  branch. 

(b)  The  -a- of  the  penult  in  framataram  is  to  be  ex- 
plained in  the  same  way  as  the  extended  gi-ade  of  the 
suffix  in  the  ace.  of  n-stems;  see  290.  A.  b. 

(c)  0''  of  pi^'^a  represents  Aryan  -tr-,  the  low  grade 
of  the  stem;  see  165. 

(d)  *duvar,  doo?',  was  transferred  to  the  a-declension; 
e.  g. ,  duvaraya,  loc.  +  postpos.  -a,  Tolman  Lex.  102. 

291.  Class  IX.  Spirant  stems. 
A.  Radical  stems  in  I.  E.  s,  Anc.  Pers.  h,  masc. 
aura-mazdah,  m..  Ahum  Mazda;   nah,   m.,  nose; 
mah,  m.,  month. 


Sg. 

I.  E. 

N. 

-s 

A. 

-  -s-m 

G. 

-s-os,  -s-es 

L. 

-s-i 

Anc.  Pers. 


Skt. 


Av. 


aura-mazda  sudas  mazda 

naham  sudasam  mazdam 

aura-mazdam 

aura-mazdaha  sudasas  mazda 

mahya  sudasi  yahi 

(ti)  The  ace.  auramazdam  is  shortened  from  aura- 
mazdaham  (<  Ar.  -sam,  192). 

(b)  The  gen.  ending  -aha  appears  as  -aha  in  many 
places,  but  not  in  the  Behistan  inscriptions  (61). 

B,  Derivative  stems  in  I.  E.  -es,  -os,  Anc.  Pers.  -ah, 
neut. 

9 


130 


The  Declension  of  Nouns. 


291-292 


raucah,  n.,  day;  drayah,  n. 


Sg. 


N.  A. 
L. 


I.  E. 

-OS 

-es-i 


Anc.  Pers. 
rauca 
drayahya 


W(7. 

Skt. 
manas 
manasi 


Av. 
mano 
manahi-ca 


PI. 


manobhis     mangbis 


I.  -ez-bhis     raucabis 

(a)  vi"dafarnah,  m.,  Intaphernes  (=  *vi"da(t)  -f 
HaxnBh,  fi)idi7\(j  glory)  has  in  the  nom.  vi"dafarna  the 
extended  grade  of  its  formative  suffix. 

C.  -is-stems  (I.  E.  -9s-stems). 

hadis,  n.,  dwelling-place. 
Sg.  I.  E.        Anc.  Pers.         Skt.  Av. 

A.  -9s  hadis  havis  nar^pis 

c.  Mixed  Declension. 

292.  Class  X.  i-  with  n-stems. 
xsayarsan,  m.,  Xerxes. 

Skt.  Av. 

panthas  panta,  panta 

pantham  (  Ved. )  pantam 
panthanam 
pathas 

(a)  The  second  member  of  this  compound  (236.  1), 
-arsan,  is  an  n-stem  (cf .  Grk.  apa-rjv)  and  the  nom.  sg.  in 
-a  (for  Ar.  *-arsas),  ace.  -am,  may  be  explained  as  re- 
sulting from  the  early  interchange  of  i-  and  n-stems. 
Cf.  Skt.  nom.  sg.  panthas  (with  sigmatic  nom.  ending) 
and  instr.  pi.  pathibhis.  Corresponding  to  the  Skt. 
sakha,  we  should  expect  an  Aryan  *pantha,  which  is 
seen  in  Av.  panta  beside  panta  (  '  -as).  So  it  hap- 
pened that  in  Aryan  times  the  ace.  sg.  became  a  re- 
formation; e.  g.,  Skt.  pantham  (Ved.),  Av.  pantam. 


Sg. 

Anc.  Pers. 

N. 

xsayarsa 

A. 

xsayarsam 

G. 

xsayarsahya 

293-295]  Adjectives.  131 

CHAPTER  X. 

Adjectives. 
1.  Declension. 

293.  The  declensioD  of  adjectives  is  essentially  the 
same  as  that  of  nouns.  Early  in  the  Indo-European 
period  the  stem  of  the  adjective  without  ending  may 
have  been  used  as  a  nioditier  of  any  and  all  forms  of 
the  noun,  just  as  adjective  stems  without  inflection 
enter  into  compounds.  But  after  nouns  of  the  a-class 
had  come  to  be  regarded  as  feminine,  those  of  the 
o-class  as  masculine,  and  nouns  were  being  formed 
with  the  suthxes  of  these  classes  for  different  genders 
(244),  it  was  natural  that  the  modifying  adjectives 
should  assume  difl'erent  forms  in  agreement  with 
their  nouns.  Hence  arose  the  declension  of  adjec- 
tives with  masc.  -os,  fern,  -a,  neut.  -om  (263).  That 
adjectives  of  these  endings  should  modify  nouns  of 
other  classes  than  those  in  -0  and  -a,  was  a  later  de- 
velopment. Other  adjectives  followed  the  inflectional 
forms  of  nouns  of  other  classes,  and  then,  becoming 
tixed  in  their  declension,  modified  all  kinds  of  nouns, 
though  the  feminine  of  these  other  classes  went  reg- 
ularly back  to  the  -ye  declension  of  nouns  (287). 

294.  jSIost  adjectives  of  the  Ancient  Persian  are  of 
the  first  class  mentioned  above,  having  masc.  -a,  fem. 
-a,  neut.  -am  (  "  I-  E.  -os,  -a,  -om),  though  some  ex- 
amples occur  of  the  i-,  u-,  and  consonant-declensions; 
e.  (J.,  usabari,  horiie  hy  cameh;  paru,  riuinij:  hamatar, 
having  the  same  'mother. 

295.  From  the  Indo-European  period  certain  ad- 
jectives were  inflected  wholly  or  in  part  according  to 


132  Adjectives.  [295-299 

the  pronominal  declension.  Of  this  class  were  the 
words  meaning  otie^  all^  other,  and  same.  But  of 
such  words  in  Ancient  Persian  only  aniya,  oilier^ 
shows  a  distinctively  pronominal  form,  in  the  nom.- 
acc.  neut.  sg.  aniyasciy  (for  *aniyat-ciy;  cf.  Skt. 
anyat),  while  visa,  all,  follows  the  nominal  declen- 
sion and  has  visam  in  the  neuter. 

(a)  For  the  nom.  pi.  aniyaha,  see  515. 

2.  Comparison. 

296.  The  Indo-European  comparative  was  formed 
by  the  addition  of  either  the  primary  suffix  -yes-, 
appearing  with  vowel  gradation  as  -yos-,  -yos-,  and 
-is-,  or  the  secondary  suffixes  -ero-,  -tero-. 

297.  The  -yes-  suffix  appeared  also  as  -iyes,  -iyos, 
as  is  seen  in  Skt.  svadiyas,  sweet€i\  Grk.  ^8t<i> 
(<  ^a-paSii/oaa),  Lat.  suavioi.  Beside  Skt.  mahiyas, 
greater,  is  Av.  mazyah,  Lat.  maior  (  /  *inagyos). 
The  I.  E.  -is-  appears  in  the  Lat.  magis,  Osc.  mais, 
Goth.  mais. 

298.  The  -ero-,  -tero-  suffixes  originated  from  local 
adverbs;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *uperos,  over,  *?idheros,  under. 
Skt.  upara,  adhara,  Lat.  superus,  inferus;  so  also 
Grk.  Se^tVepos,  dptaT(.po<i,  Lat.  dexter,  sinister,  etc. 
From  thus  denoting  contrast  of  location,  the  suffix 
came  to  be  used  for  other  contrasted  ideas,  then  par- 
ticularly for  the  greater  degree  of  a  quality  l)elong- 
ing  to  an  object  in  contrast  with  other  objects. 

299.  Superlative  forms  developed  later  than  com- 
paratives and  were  made  by  adding  suffixes  belong- 
ing properly  to  ordinal  numerals;  e.  </.,  -to-,  which 
appears  in  I.  E.  dekm-to-s,  tenths  Grk.  ScKaros,  and 
-mmo-,  -tmmo-,  as  is  seen  in  Skt.  da^ama,  Lat.  decimus; 


299-304  J 


Adjectives. 


ir?:? 


I.  K.  *septmmos,  SUt.  saptama,(Trk.  €^8oyu,os(  :*€/38/i09), 
Lat.  Septimus. 

300.  The  siittix  -to-  was  added  to  the  low  orrade  -is- 
of  the  -yes- :  -yos  comparative  suffix  ;  hence  adjec- 
tives with  this  comparative  had  rciruhirly  their  su- 
perlative in  -isto-,  e.  </.,  Skt.  svadistha,  sireetest^  Grk. 
iJSin-Tos.  With  the  -mmo-,  -tmmo-  suffixes,  are  I.  E. 
*upmmos,  ujiper/iiosf^  Skt.  upama,  Lat.  summus 
(<  *sup-mos);  I.  E.  *ent^mos,  i/uien/iosf,  Skt.  an- 
tama,  Lat.  intimus. 

301.  Of  the  comparative  suffixes  given  above,  the 
Ancient  Persian  shows  -yas-,  <  I.  E.  -yes-,  in  vahyah 
(cf.  vahyaz-data),  better,  from  *va(h)u,  (/ood;  and 
-ara-,  -tara-,  <  I.  E.  -ero-,  -tero-,  in  the  neut.  sg.  ad- 
verbial forms  aparam,  afterwafds,  apataram,  else- 
where — both  comparative  forms  from  apa-,  away. 

302.  Of  superlative  suffixes,  the  Ancient  Persian 
has  examples  of  both  -ista-,  <  I.  E.  -isto-,  and  -tama- 
<  I.  E.  -tmmo-;  as,  ma^ista,  greatest^  from  *ma^ 
(YAv.  mas);  duvaistam  (adv.),  very  long  (ace.  neut. 
sg.  of  *duvaista;  cf.  du vita-par anam,  long  hefore^  Tol- 
man  Lex.  102);  ixaXsima.,  foremoxf.,  from  ftA-^fortJi. 

303.  The  comparative  and  superlative  forms  then 
appear  as  follows: 

I.  E.     Anc.  Pers.        Skt.  Av. 

Compar.      -yes-        vahyah        vasyas         vahyah 

-ero-        aparam        prataram     fratara 
Superl.        -is-to-       ma^ista        mahistha     vahista 

-tmmo-    fratama       purutama    pourutama 

?>.  Numerals. 

304.  Cardinals.  The  Indo-European  had  several 
stems  signifying  one.,  varying  somewhat  in  the  shade 


l^)4:  Adjectives.  [304-305 

of  meaning;  as,  I.  E.  *oinos,  one^  Grk.  oiv?;,  ace;  I.  E, 
*oiwos,  8kt.  eva,  only^  Grk.  oios,  alone^  Cypr.  ot/ros; 
I.  E.  *sem-:*som-:*sm-,*sip-,  one^  the  same.  Grk.  ets, 
Cret.  evs  <  *o-€/i,s,  Lat.  semper;  Skt.  samas,  same^ 
Grk.  o/xos;  Skt.  sa-krt,  <9??ce,  Grk.  a/i,a;  Grk.  /At'a  < 
*o-/i.ta.  Of  these  stems,  *oiwo-  appears  in  Anc.  Pers. 
aiva,  one^  and  *sem-  in  Anc.  Pers.  hama,  saiiie.^  as 
probably  also  with  vowel  gradation  (see  Tolman 
Lex.  133)  in  ha-matar,  having  the  same  mother.  No 
other  cardinal  forms  appear  in  the  inscriptions,  since 
everywhere  for  cardinal  numerals  above  one  the  sign 
and  not  the  word  is  used,  as  is  also  done  even  for  one 
in  the  Behistan  Inscriptions. 

305.  Ordinals.  The  Indo-Em*opean  ordinal  nu- 
merals were  regularly  formed  from  the  cardinal  stem 
by  the  addition  of  the  suffixes  -to-  and  -mmo-,  men- 
tioned above  in  the  discussion  of  the  superlative  (299); 
e.g..,  I.  E.  *s(w)ektos,  sixtJi,  Skt.  sastha,  Grk.  Ikto-;, 
Lat.  sextus,  Goth,  saihsta;  I.  E.  *dekmmos,  tenth., 
Skt.  dagama,  Lat.  decimus  (beside  I.  E.  *dekmtos, 
Grk.  SeKaros).  The  Ancient  Persian  keeps  the  suffix 
-mmo-  in  navama,  ninth.  Skt.  navama. 

o  '  " 

The  I.  Yj.  *d(u)wo(u),  ttco^  is  represented  in  com- 
position by  *dwi-,  which  appears  in  the  Anc.  Pers. 
duvitiya,  second.,  from  Aryan  *dwitiya;  so  Skt. 
dvitiya,  \x.  daibitya. 

In  like  manner  from  I.  E.  *trei,  *tri,  thi'ee.,  the 
Ancient  Persian  has  ^''itiya  (165),  third.,  Skt.  trtiya, 
Av.  ^itya,  Grk.  TpiVo?,  Lat.  tertius. 

No  other  certain  examples  of  ordinals  are  found  in 
the  inscriptions. 


306-307 J     '''■'■:  I >i;<i.Kxsi(>.\'  OF  I'uoxouxs.  135 

CHAPTER  XI. 
The  Declension  of  Pronouns. 

306.  Ix  110  other  class  of  words  do  the  Indo-Euro- 
pean lanofuaofes  present  such  a  variety  of  forms  as  in 
the  Pronouns.  From  what  these  lano^uages  have 
preserved,  it  is  impossible  to  say  either  how  many 
pronouns  the  parent  tongue  had  or  how  many  forms 
existed  of  the  pronouns  which  we  know.  As  com- 
pared with  nouns,  they  show  diti'erences  of  both  stem 
and  ending,  and  the  interchange  of  nominal  and  pro- 
nominal formations  adds  to  the  confusion.  Further- 
more, different  stems  appear  in  what  should  be  a 
single  declension,  as  Skt.  aham,  /,  mam,  me;  Anc. 
Pers.  adam,  /,  vayam,  we;  Grk.  cy<^»  Ty^iets,  Lat.  ego, 
nos,  etc.  Sometimes  the  form  was  extended  by  the 
insertion  of  an  element  between  stem  and  ending,  as 
-sm-  in  Skt.  tasmad,  or  a  form  was  changed  by  the 
addition  of  an  enclitic  particle,  which  in  some  in- 
stances became  a  part  of  the  word,  as  Skt.  aha-m, 
id-am;  Grk.  eyw-v,  ovtoct-l;  Lat.  hi-c,  id-em.  Again,  it 
seems  that  in  Indo-European  times  there  existed  side 
by  side  accented  and  unaccented  forms,  of  which 
from  the  prehistoric  period  in  certain  of  the  derived 
languages  the  accented  form  was  generalized,  in 
others  the  unaccented,  and  beside  these,  again,  there 
developed  new  unaccented  and  accented  forms.  The 
Sanskrit  preserves  both  accented  and  unaccented 
forms,  e.  </.,  ace.  asman,  ?^s-,  yusman,  you,  beside  the 
enclitic  -nas  and  -vas;  whereas  the  Latin  has  general- 
ized the  unaccented  forms  and  has  only  nos  and  vos. 

307.  The  following  classification   of   pronouns  is 


136  The  Declension  of  Pronouns.     [307-311 

usually  made:  the  Personal,  of  the  same  group  with 
which  are  the  Possessive  and  the  Reflexive,  and,  of 
another  group,  the  Demonstrative,  the  Interrogative, 
the  Relative,  and  the  Indefinite.  What  is  sometimes 
called  the  personal  pronoun  of  the  third  person  may- 
be classed  with  the  demonstratives.  In  all  classes 
except  the  personal  occur  distinctive  gender  forms. 

1.  Personal  Pronouns, 
a.  First  Person. 

308.  Singula?'.  The  Nominative  of  this  pronoun  in 
Indo-European  seems  to  have  had  two  stems,  *egh  and 
*eg,  and  to  have  been  used  with  and  without  the  suffix 
-m;  thus  I.  E.  *egh6m  gives  Skt.  aham,  Av.  azam,  Anc. 
Pers.  adam  (159);  I.  E.  *egd  gives  Grk.  eyci,  eywi/,  O. 
Lat.  ego;  I.  E.  *ego  gives  Lat.  ego,  Goth.  ik. 

309.  The  I.  E.  Accusative  was  *iiie(m)  beside  *eme 
and  *me,  and  these  forms  appear  in  Skt.  mam,  ma 
(end.),  GAv.  m§m,  YAv.  mam,  Anc.  Pers.  mam 
(occurring  as  enclitic  in  Bh.  1.  52),  Grk.  €/>te',  fxl,  Lat. 
me. 

310.  Of  the  I.  E.  Genitive  forms,  *mene,  *eme,  the 
former  is  preserved  in  YAv.  mana,  Anc.  Pers.  mana, 
and  the  latter  perhaps  in  Skt.  mama,  which  may  be 
a  re-formation  for  *ama  on  the  analogy  of  Aryan 
*mana  <  I.  E.  *mene.     *eme  appears  also  in  Grk. 

(Hom.)   c/Acio,   Ion.    e/xe'o,  Att.    e/Liou,   etc.,  from  *€/xeo-?/o 

and  *€/i,eo-o,  taking  over  the  ending  from  the  genitive 
of  the  demonstrative  (334).  The  Ancient  Persian 
has  -a  by  script io  pl<')^'^  (61). 

311.  The  I.  E.  Ablative  was  *med,  as  appears  from 
the  Skt.  mad,  GAv.  mat,  Anc.  Pers.  -ma  (for  *mad, 
229),  Lat.  me(d). 


312-317]   'J'"'-  'ni-«'f'i'^'«i'>>^'  OF  rnoNOT-xs.  i;*»7 

312.  The  Skt.  Diitivc  mahyam  for  mahi-am  points 
to  I.  E.  *meghi,  as  the  L:it.  mihi  8ho^\•s  I.  E.  *meghei, 
*meghoi. 

313.  The  I.  E.  Locative  *mei,  *inoi,  served  in  the 
derived  languages  not  only  as  locative,  but  also  as 
lenitive  and  dative.  Thus  Skt.  may-i  (with  loc.  end- 
ing added),  me  (gen.  and  dat.),  Av.  moi,  me  (gen. 
and  dat.),  Anc.  Peis.  -maiy  (dat. -gen.),  (nk.  dat. 
€/u,ot,  Mot,  Lat.  dat.  mi. 

314.  The  Instrumental  would  seem  originally  to 
have  been  *ma  (cf.  2d  pers.  Skt.  tva  of  the  Veda, 
and  Av.  ^a,  326),  for  which  the  classical  Sanskrit 
maya  may  have  been  formed  from  the  ace.  mam  on 
the  analogy  of  nouns  of  the  a-declension,  or  it  may 
have  been  made  from  an  extension  of  the  stem 
(*meyo-),  as  Lat.  mei  from  meus. 

Dual. 

315.  The  origin  of  such  dual  forms  as  the  Sanskrit 
Nominative-Ac'cusative  avam,  GAv.  §9ava,  is  not 
clear.  The  same  stem  occurs  with  dual  endings  in 
Skt.  avabhyam,  avayos.  The  Indo-European  unac- 
cented *no(u),  appearing  in  Skt.  ace. -dat. -gen.  nau 
and  the  Grk.  nom.-acc.  vw,  is  from  the  plural  stem 
*no(3i7).  But  no  dual  forms  remain  in  Ancient 
Persian. 

Plural. 

316.  The  I.  E.  Nominative  was  *wei,  from  which 
are  Skt.  vay-am,  Av.  vaem  (for  *vay9m),  Anc.  Pers. 
vay-am,  Goth,  wei-s. 

317.  The  Accusative  of  the  Indo-European  was 
nos,  as  appears  in  Skt.  nas  (end.),  GAv.  na  (encl.), 


188 


The  Declension  op  Pronouns.     [317-321 


Lat.  nos.  From  the  low  orrade  *ns  are  Goth,  uns, 
Skt.  as-man,  GAv.  ahma,  YAv.  ahma,  Grk.  *dcr/xes 
>  a.[Xfx.t^  (Horn.  Lesb.)  transferred  to  the  nominative. 

318.  This  low  grade  of  the  stem  with  the  -sme- 
element  (as  in  asman,  ol/a/acs  above),  I.  E.  *ns-sme, 
was  used  in  the  formation  of  the  Aryan  genitive 
plural  with  the  addition  of  the  Aryan  suffix  -aka. 
Hence  Skt.  asmakam,  YAv.  ahmak9m,  Anc.  Pers. 
amaxam  (<  Ir.  *ahmaxam). 

319.  The  same  stem  is  seen  in  the  Sanskrit  Abla- 
tive asmad,  GAv.  ahmat,  Skt.  dat.  asmabhyam,  GAv. 
ahmaibya,  Skt.  loc.  asmasu,  instr.  asmabhis, — Avhich 
cases  do  not  occur  in  Ancient  Persian. 

320.  The  Declension,  then,  of  the  Personal  Pronoun 
of  the  first  person,  as  far  as  it  occurs  in  Ancient 
Persian,  is  as  follows: 

Sg 


g.       I.  E.         Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

N.  *eghoin 

adam 

aham 

az9m 

A.  *mem 

mam 

mam 

mam 

G.  *mene,  *eme 

mana 

[mama] 

mana 

L.  *mei,  *moi 

Ab.*med 

17 

maiy          mayi 

(gen. -dat.) 
-ma            mad 

moi   (gen 

dat. ) 
ma£ 

I. 

N.  *wei 
G.  *9s-sme 
(-f  Ar.  -aka) 

vayam 
amaxam 

vayam 
asmakam 

vaem 
ahmakam 

Fl 


1).   Second  Person. 
Singular. 

321.  The  Nominative  of  the  second  person  in  I.  E. 
was  *tu  or  *tu,  Skt.  tvam  (*tii-am),  Av.  tu,  GAv. 


321-327]     Tin:   Dkclhxsiox  of  Puoxot'xs.  1;>!) 

tvim,  Anc.  Pcr.s.  tuvam,  (»ik.  Dor.  tv,  Alt.  o-v,  Lat. 
tu.  The  -am  in  Skt.  tvam,  Anc.  Pers.  tuvam,  may 
be  the  I.  E.  particle  -em,  -om,  or  these  forms  may  be 
made  after  the  analoofy  of  Skt.  aham,  Anc.  Pers. 
adam. 

322.  The  original  Accusative  had  *twe(in),  *te 
beside  *twe,  *te.  So  Skt.  tvam,  tva  (eiu-l.),  Av. 
^wam,  ^a  (cncl.),  Anc.  l*ers.  ^uvam  (for  ^vam;  see 
164),  Grk.  Dor.  re,  Att.  o-e  (<  *T/re),  Lat.  te. 

323.  The  I.  E.  Genitive  *tewe  appears  in  Skt.  tava, 
YAv.  tava,  GAv.  tava.  As  in  the  tirst  person,  the 
Ancient  Persian  uses  as  a  genitive  the  locative  -taiy 
(written  also  -tay),  ■  [  I.  E.  *t(w)ei,  *t(w)oi,  which, 
like  *mei,  "^moi  (313),  occur  in  the  derived  languages 
as  locative,  genitive,  or  dative;  e.  g.,  Skt.  tvay-i 
(with  loc.  ending  added),  te  (gen.  dat. ),  Av.  toi,  te 
(gen.   dat.),  and  the  Grk.  'dat.   Hom.   rot,  Att.  o-ot 

(<  *TfoO- 

324.  The  I.  E.  A])lative  seems  to  have  been  *t(w)ed, 
from  which  are  Skt.  tvad,  Av.  ^at,  Lat.  te(d). 

325.  The  original  Dative  was  a  formation  in  -bhi, 
as  Skt.  tubhyam,  GAv.  taibya,  Lat.  tibi  (from  high- 
grade  I.  Yj.  *tebhei,  or  '^tebhoi). 

326.  The  I.  E.  Instrumental  was  probably  *twa, 
whence  Skt.^Ved.  tva,  A  v.  ^a.  The  classical  San- 
skrit tvaya  then  would  be  explained  in  the  same  way 
as  maya  above  (314). 

Dual. 

327.  The  Sanskrit  Nominative-Accusative  Dual 
yu-vam  is  probably  made  from  the  L  E.  *yu-, 
which  appears  in  the  plural;  and  from  this  are  also 
yuvabhyam  and  yuvayos.     So  the  enclitic  ace. -gen.- 


140  The  Declension  of  Pronouns.     [327-331 

dat.  vam  is  from  the  I.  E.  plural  stem  *wo  (of.  1st 
pers.  nau,  315)  after  yuvam.  No  dual  cases  occui'  in 
Ancient  Persian. 

Pluml. 

328.  The  I.  E.  Nominative  was  *yus,  GAv.  yus, 
Goth,  jus;  Skt.  yuyam  after  the  analogy  of  the  1st 
pers.  vayam. 

329.  The  I.  E.  Accusative  was  *wos,  as  appears  in 
Skt.  vas  (end.),  GAv.  va  (end.),  Lat.  vos,  and  (like 
the  corresponding  stem  of  the  first  person,  317)  in 
its  low  grade  it  occurs  in  Skt.  yusman,  Grk.  *uo--/i,e, 
Lesb.  vfji/xe. 

This  stem  appears  further  in  the  Skt.  abl.  yus- 
mad,  Av.  yusmat,  Skt.  dat.  yusmabhyam,  GAv. 
yiismaibya,  Skt.  loc.  yusmasu,  instr.  yusmabhis — 
which  cases  do  not  occur  in  the  Ancient  Persian. 

330.  The  Declension,  then,  of  the  Personal  Pronoun 
of  the  second  person,  as  far  as  it  occui's  in  Ancient 
Persian,  is  as  follows: 


Sg. 

I.  E.                Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

N. 

*tu,  *tu               tuvam 

tvam 

tu,  tvim 

A. 

*twem                 ^uvam 

tvam 

^am 

L. 

*t(w)ei,  '^t(w)oi  -taiy 

(gen. -dat.) 

tvayi 
(loc.> 

toi,  te 
(gen. -dat.) 

te  (gen. 

-dat) 

2.  Demonstrative,  Interrogative,  and  Relative 
Pronouns. 

331.  Of  the  Indo-European  case  endings  for  other 
pronouns  than  the  personal,  it  will  be  necessary  to 
give  here  only  those  which  survive  in  the  Demon- 


331-336]     Tin:  Dkclension  of  PRoxorNs.  141 

stiutive,  the  Interrogative,  and  the  Relative  of  the 
Ancient  Persian. 

(a)  Masculine  and  Feminine. 
Singular. 

332.  The  Nominative,  masc.  and  fem.  occurred 
sometimes  without  ending;  c.  cj.^  I.  E.  masc.  *so, 
fem.  *sa,  z'/^/.v,  that^  Skt.  sa,  sa,  Grk.  6,  17,  Dor.  d. 
Again  this  case  had  for  the  masc.  the  ending  -s,  as 
I.  E.  *yos,  v'Jio^  Skt.  yas,  Grk.  os;  or  sometimes  the 
ending  -oi  (fem.  -ai  or  -9i),  as  in  Skt.  ay-am,  Lat.  qui, 
O.  Lat.  qoi. 

333.  The  Accusative  of  both  masc.  and  fem.  forms, 
like  that  of  nouns,  ends  in  -m  (249);  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *toni, 
*tam,  that,  Skt.  tam,  tarn,  Grk.  rdi/,  tt/v,  Lat.  istum, 
istam.  As  in  nouns  of  the  a-  and  the  a-declension, 
the  Ancient  Persian  has  masc.  -am,  fem.  -am. 

334.  The  Genitive  ended  in  (masc.)  -syo,  -so,  (fem.) 
-syas,  -sas;  e.  r/.,  I.  E.  masc.  *tosyo,  *toso  or  *teso, 
fem.  *tesyas,  *tesas;  Skt.  tasya,  tasyas,  Grk.  Horn. 
TOLo  <  *Too-yo,  Att.  Tov  <  '^Toao.  The  -syo  ending  ap- 
pears in  Ancient  Persian  as  -hya  (generally  written 
-hya,  61). 

335.  The  Listrumental  appears  in  Ancient  Persian 
with  the  long  vowel  (-a)  which  belonged  to  the  same 
case  of  nouns  (273);  as  ana  from  ana.  Others  regard 
ana  as  a  -f-  instr.  ending  -na  (cf.  Skt.  tena,  Grk.  Tm). 
L'nless  tyana,  Bh.  1,  23,  be  dittography  (352.  a;  see 
Tolman  Lex.  94)  we  should  have  in  this  form  also  an 
example  of  -na  as  instr.  ending. 

FJura/. 

336.  The  Nominative  plural  for  the  o-stems  ended 
in  -oi;  as  I.  E.  *toi,  these^  Skt.  te,  Grk.  ot,  rot,  Lat. 


142  The  Declension  of  Pronouns.     [33B-340 

isti.  As  in  nouns  of  the  a-class  the  nom.  pi.  feni. 
ended  in  -as,  as  I.  E.  *tas,  Skt.  tas.  Hence  the  An- 
cient Persian  endings,  reo:ularly  masc.  -aiy,  fern.  -a. 

337.  The  original  Accusative  masc.  and  feni.  had 
the  same  ending  as  nouns,  -ns  for  vowel  stems  (258); 
e.  (J. ,  I.  E.  *tons,  *tans,  Skt.  tan,  tas,  Grk.  Cret.  tws, 
Tavs,  Att,  Tor's,  Tas  (277).  The  Ancient  Persian  varies 
from  this  in  using  the  same  form,  that  in  -aiy,  for 
both  accusative  and  nominative  masc,  just  as  the 
fem.  has  the  same  ending  -a  for  these  two  cases 
(276,  277.  But  see  342.  N. ).  So  in  Avestan,  al- 
though the  GAv.  has  ace.  pi.  anyang,  the  YAv.  uses 
anye  as  both  nom.  and  ace. 

338.  The  Genitive  plural  of  the  I.  E.  had  as  masc. 
ending  -oi-som,  fem.  -a-som  or  -a-sam;  e.  </.,  I.  E. 
*toisom,  *tasom  or  *tasam,  Skt.  tesam,  tasam;  Grk. 
Hom.  Tawv,  Att.  Toiv,  Dor.  tSi/,  Lat.  istarum.  The 
Ancient  Persian  has  not  only  the  gen.  pi.  masc.  in 
-aisam  (  I.  E.  -oisom),  but  the  fem.  occurs  with  the 
same  form  in  ty aisam. 

(b)  Neuters. 

339.  The  Nominative-Accusative  neuter  singular 
of  I.  E.  ended  in  -d  or  -m;  e.  (/.,  I.  E.  *tod,  *yod, 
*qod,  *qid;  Skt.  tad,  yad,  id-am;  Grk.  (with  loss  of 
linal  dental)  t6.^  6',  Tt,  Lat.  istud,  quod,  quid.  With 
-m  (cf.  neut.  nouns  of  the  o-declension,  263)  are  Skt. 
kirn,  Av.  cim,  Grk.  to<tovtov.  With  the  loss  of  the 
final  dental  (229)  the  Ancient  Persian  neuter  singu- 
lar appears  in  -a.  But  in  avas-ciy  the  dental  is  as- 
similated to  the  following  c  (229.  b). 

340.  The  Nominative- Accusative  neuter  plin-al  of 
I.  E.  had  as  ending  for  o-stems  of  pronouns  the  -a. 


340-344]     TiiK  Declexsion  of  Phonoi:n.s.  14:) 

which  helonirod  to  the  same  class  of  noun  stems  (265); 
e.  </.,  t.  E.  *ta,  Skt.  ta-ni,  Ved.  ta,  Lat.  ista.  This 
ending  in  Ancient  Persian  remains  -a  as  in  nouns. 

3.  Ancient  Persian  Demonstratives. 

341.  a,  th'ix.  The  Indo-P^uropean  demonstrative 
stem  *o-,  *e-,  fern.  *a-,  appears  in  the  Anc.  Pers.  a, 
Skt.  a,  Av.  a,  Grk.  c  in  1-k€.^  1-k€.vo%^  etc.,  €t  (loc), 
Lat.  e-quidem.  Only  two  cases  occur  in  Ancient 
Persian,  the  gen.  and  the  loc.  sg.  fern.  The  loc.  sg. 
in  Aryan  shows  an  -sy-  in  the  fem.,  which  may  have 
been  taken  over  from  the  gen.  Furthermore,  these 
two  cases  in  Ancient  Persian  must  have  been  influ- 
enced by  feminine  noun  endings  of  the  a-declension, 
since  they  show  the  same  extension  of  ending  in 
ahyaya,  occurring  as  both  gen.  and  loc.  (written  also 
ahiyaya  in  the  gen.).     See  Tolman  Lev.  .59. 

342.  aita,  tlih.  I.  E.  *ei-to,  formed  of  *ei4-*to, 
YAy.  aeta,  Skt.  eta,  appears  in  Ancient  Persian  only 
in  nom.-acc.  sg.  neut.  aita  (Av.  aetat,  Skt.  etad). 

Note. — The  secoud  element  of  this  word  possibly  occurs 
as  ace.  pi.  masc.  ta  in  Bh.  4.  73,  according  to  Tolman  Cun. 
Sup.  p.  V. 

343.  ana,  t/ii)^.  The  Anc.  Pers.  ana  represents 
I.  E.  *eno  :  *ono.  So  Skt.  ana,  Lith.  anas,  Grk.  Ivj; 
(lit.  that  da  I/),  exeivos  <  *c-Ke-evos.  The  pronoun  oc- 
curs in  Ancient  Persian  in  but  one  case,  the  instr. 
sg.  masc.  ana  (see  also  335). 

344.  ava,  t/iat.  I.  E.  *owo,  Av.  ava,  Skt.  (gen. 
dual)  avos,  appears  in  Ancient  Persian  in  the  follow- 
ing forms,  the  endings  of  which  have  been  discussed 
in  the  sections  above. 


144  The  Declension  of  Pronouns.     [344-349 

Fern.  Neut. 

N.  A.  ava 


Sg. 

Masc. 

A. 
G. 
PL 

avam 
avahya 

N. 
A. 
G. 

avaiy 
avaiy 
avaisam 

ava 


345.  ima,  thin.  It  seems  that  from  the  Aryan  ace. 
sg.  masc.  *im-am,  /.  e.^  the  ace.  of  the  stem  i  -f-  the 
particle  -am,  new  formations  were  made  on  ima  as  a 
stem,  and  from  this  the  Ancient  Persian  shows  these 
forms: 


Sg. 

Masc. 

Fem. 

Neut, 

A. 

imam 

imam 

ima 

PL 

N. 

imaiy 

ima 

A. 

ima 

G. 

imaisam 

346.  iyam,  tins..  From  I.  E.  fem.  i  of  the  stem  i, 
with  the  particle  -am,  comes  the  Anc.  Pers.  iyam, 
which  serves  as  masc.  and  fem.  nom.  sg. 

347.  di,  it^  them.  From  the  Iranian  stem  *di  the 
Ancient  Persian  has,  generally  as  enclitic,  the  ace. 
sg.  fem.  dim  (Av.  dim)  and  the  ace.  pi.  masc.  and 
fem.  dis  (229  b.). 

348.  si,  Idm.,  it.  I.  E.  *si  appears  as  an  enclitic  in 
the  Anc.  Pers.  ace.  sg.  masc.  and  neut.  -sim  (as  neut. 
pi.  in  Bh.  4.  6,  Tolmam  L«i'.  129)  and  ace.  pi.  masc. 
-sis  (Skt,  sim,  Av,  him,  his. 

349.  Of  enclitic  pronominal  forms  of  the  third 
person,  the  Ancient  Persian  has  also  a  gen.-dat.  sg. 


349-352]     The  Declension  of  I'ronouns.  145 

luasc.  -saiy  (GAv.  hoi,  YAv.  he;  cf.  -maiy  <  I.  E. 
loc.  *moi,  313);  an  abl.  sg.  neut.  -sa  in  haca  avadasa, 
tlierefro)ii  (Y^Vv.  ho);  and  as  a  rc-forniation  to  those 
two  forms  after  the  analogy  of  noun  stems,  the  gen. 
pi.  masc.  -sam. 

350.  hauv,  this.  This  nom.  sg.  masc.,  used  also 
as  fem.  (written  hau-  before  the  enclitic  -saiy),  is  the 
Ancient  Persian  representation  of  I.  E.  *so  +  *u, 
which  survives  in  the  Ork.  ovTo<i.  The  Skt.  asau, 
Av.  hau  (cf.  Grk.  avry])  are  original  feminine  forms 
used  also  as  masculine,  hauvam  in  Bh.  1.  29  is  prob- 
ably to  be  explained  as  hauv  -\-  particle  am  by  anal- 
ogy with  such  forms  as  adam,  tuvam,  iyam.  (Tol- 
man  Lex.  131.) 

4.  Ancient  Persian  Interrogatives. 

351.  ka,  who?  The  I.  E.  interrogative  pronoun 
*qo  became  Anc.  Pers.  ka,  Skt.  ka,  Av.  ka,  Grk.  rov.^ 
Hom.  T€o,  Lat.  quod  (141);  the  I.  E.  *qi  appears  in 
Anc.  Pers.  cis-ciy  (indefinite),  Skt.  cid  (adv.),  Av. 
cis,  Grk.  Tts,  Lat.  quis.  From  ka  with  -ciy  (neut.) 
was  formed  the  indefinite  pronoun,  nom.  sg.  masc. 
kas-ciy  (164.  c).  The  stem  ci  with  -ciy  is  seen  in 
cis-ciy  (for  *cid-cid),  ace.  sg.  neut.  (164.  c). 

5.  Ancient  Persian  Relatives. 

352.  tya,  that,  the.  The  I.  E.  *tyo,  *tya  after  the 
analogy  of  the  demonstrative,  preserved  the  t,  with 
no  change  to  6  in  Iranian,  nor  to  s  in  Ancient  Persian 
(164.  b).  This  pronoun,  originally  demonstrative, 
is  used  generally  as  a  relative,  often  as  a  definite 
article  (571.  2).     It  has  the  following  forms: 

10 


146 

The  \"eri5. 

[352 

Sg. 

Masc.            Fein. 

Neut. 

A. 

tyam           tyam 

(N.  A.)  tya 

N. 

tyaiy           tya 

tya 

A. 

tya 

tya 

G. 

tyaisam      tyaisam 

(a)  tyana,  Bh.  1.  23,  may  be  instr.  sg.  (335),  or 
more  probably  it  is  written  for  ace.  pi.  neiit.  See 
Tolman  Lex.  94. 

353.  hya,  v'ht.  The  I.  E.  *syo,  *sya  (Skt.  sya)  oc- 
curs in  Ancient  Persian  in  the  nom.  sg.  masc.  hya, 
fern.  hya. 

Note. — The  I.  E.  relative  *yo  appears  in  Ancient  Persian 
only  in  adverbial  forms  (575). 


CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Verb. 

1.  The  Indo-European  Verb  System. 

354.  In  the  development  of  the  verb  the  Indo- 
European  languages  show  less  regularity  than  in 
noun  formations.  With  the  exception  of  the  San- 
skrit, the  Greek,  and  the  Slavonic,  the  derived  lan- 
guages have  not  preserved  the  verb  system  with  any- 
thing like  completeness. 

355.  Two  groups  of  forms  are  to  be  observed:  the 
one  includes  the  Indicative,  Subjunctive,  Injunctive, 
Optative,  and  Imperative,  commonly  called  the  tinite 
verb,  having  as  a  chief  characteristic  the  so-called 
personal  endings,  and  marked  also  by  the  use  of  re- 
duplication   and   augment,   and    by  distinctions   of 


355-357]  TiiK  Vi:ui!.  U7 

voice,  mood,  and  tense;  the  other  group  embraces 
those  noun  and  adjective  forms  which  have  attached 
themselves  to  the  verb,  ?'.  e.,  the  Infinitives  and  Par- 
ticiples, known  as  the  infinite  verb.  Among  the  lat- 
ter are  nomina  ageiitis  and  nomma  actionis^  which 
have  assumed  certain  characteristics  of  the  verb. 
The  participle  had  already  in  the  Indo-European  pe- 
riod become  a  part  of  the  verb  system,  and  remained 
so  in  the  various  languages.  The  infinitive  was  orig- 
inally but  a  case  form  of  a  noiueii  actlonlx^  which 
was  connected  with  the  verb  in  the  derived  languages 
from  their  prehistoric  period. 

356.  The  parent  language  had  two  voices,  the 
Active  and  the  Middle,  the  meaning  of  which  is  il- 
lustrated in  the  terms  applied  by  the  Hindu  gram- 
marians to  the  two  voices  in  Sanskrit,  "parasmai- 
padam"  and  "atmane-padam,"  a  word  f 07^  another, 
and  a  word  for  one's  self.  The  difi'erence  is  not  al- 
ways so  clearly  marked  as  would  be  indicated  by  the 
terms  "transitive"  and  "reflexive."  The  Sanskrit, 
again,  illustrates  the  distinction  in  yajati,  he  ofcrs, 
active,  when  the  priest  oilers  sacrifice  for  another, 
and  yajate,  he  ojf'ers,  middle,  when  the  worshiper 
ofl'ers  sacrifice  for  himself.  There  was  originally  no 
distinct  form  for  the  passive  voice,  but  even  in  Indo- 
European  times  the  middle  had  begun  to  be  used  to 
express  the  passive  idea— a  tendency  which  continued 
in  Sanskrit,  Greek,  and  Latin. 

357.  The  Moods  of  the  Indo-European  were  the 
Indicative,  Subjunctive,  Optative,  and  Imperative. 
In  addition  to  these  are  certain  forms  resembling 
the  unaugmented  indicative,  with  secondary  personal 
endings,  constituting  what  is  called  the  Injunctive, 


148  The  Verb.  [357-358 

used  mostly  in  commands  and  prohibitions,  and 
therefore  easily  associated  with  the  imperative.  The 
distinction  between  the  su})junctive  and  the  optative 
was  not  maintained  in  the  derived  languages,  ex- 
cept in  the  Vedic  dialect  of  the  Sanskrit  and  in 
the  Greek.  The  optative  absorbed  the  functions  of 
the  subjunctive  in  classical  Sanskrit,  as  also  in  the 
Germanic  and  Balto-Slavonic  groups.  The  Latin 
confused  the  forms  of  the  two  moods.  The  corre- 
spondence of  certain  Greek  subjunctive  forms  with 
Latin  futures  has  even  raised  the  question  among 
some  scholars  whether  the  Indo-European  had  a  dis- 
tinct subjunctive  mood  in  any  proper  sense. 

358.  The  Tense  forms  were  mostly  a  late  develop- 
ment in  the  Indo-European  languages.  There  must 
have  been  originally  two  groups  of  forms  in  their 
relation  to  time :  the  present-aorist  system  and  the 
perfect,  the  former  including  the  present,  imper- 
fect, and  an  aorist  from  the  same  stem  (486), 
and  adding  later  the  future  (when  not  originally 
subjunctive)  and  the  s-aorist  (488);  the  perfect,  dis- 
tinguished by  an  ablaut  change  in  the  active  indic- 
ative singular,  by  its  personal  endings,  and  by  the 
form  of  its  active  participle.  In  the  present-aorist 
group  the  distinction  of  present,  past,  and  future 
was  originally  dependent  on  the  context,  the  verb- 
form  denoting  manner  of  action  (359)  rather  than 
time.  That  a  temporal  particle  indicating  past  time 
was  joined  as  an  augment  to  certain  forms  (362)  in- 
dicates that  these  forms  did  not  carry  in  themselves 
the  past  idea.  And  even  the  particle  was  not  neces- 
sary if  the  past  was  implied  in  the  context;  hence 


358-360]  The  Verb.  14!) 

the   uiuiugmented   forms   occurred    l)Csido    the  uiig- 
niented. 

359.  But  while  distinctions  of  time  were,  for  the 
most  part,  not  original  in  the  verb  forms,  the  dis- 
tinction of  the  character  or  manner  of  the  action 
(Aktionsart)  comes  down  from  the  Indo-European 
period.  The  following  kinds  of  action  are  recog- 
nized by  philologists: 

1.  Momentary  action,  where  the  verb  denotes  a 
single  or  sudden  act,  wdth  no  notion  of  continuance 
or  repetition.  This  idea  inhered  in  the  meaning  of 
some  verbs;  sometimes  it  was  the  result  of  com- 
pounding the  verb  with  a  preposition.  Such  verbs 
were  used  for  futures  more  often  than  for  presents. 

2.  Cursive  or  durative  action,  where  continued 
action  is  expressed,  with  no  reference  to  its  begin- 
ning or  completion. 

3.  Perfect  action,  where  the  perfect  form  of  the 
verb  expresses  a  condition  resulting  from  a  com- 
pleted act  or  a  finished  process. 

4.  Iterative  action,  where  the  verb  expresses  the 
repetition  of  an  act.  Such  is  the  meaning  especially 
of  reduplicated  presents,  the  repeated  syllable  de- 
noting repetition  of  the  act.  Since  repetition  also 
indicates  intensity  of  action,  verbs  of  this  kind  read- 
ily become  intensives. 

5.  Terminative  action,  where  stress  is  laid  on  the 
beginning  or  the  end  of  the  action.  Originally  of 
this  group  were  the  nasal  presents  and  those  in  -sk(h)o. 

360.  The  finite  verb  forms  of  the  Indo-European 
had  distinctive  endings  for  first,  second,  and  third 
persons,  and,  like  nouns  and  pronouns,  had  three 
numbers,  Singular,  Dual,  and  Plural.     But  the  dual 


150  The  Verb.  [360-362 

failed  to  survive  in  the  historical  period  of  the  de- 
rived languages  except  in  the  Aryan  group,  the 
Balto-Slavonic,  and  the  Greek.  And  even  in  the 
Greek  the  tirst-person  dual  was  lost  in  the  primitive 
period,  while  the  second  and  third  persons  were  used 
only  occasionally. 

2.  (a)  Reduplication  and  Augment  in  Indo- 
European. 

361.  Reduplication  occurs  in  many  classes  of  words 
in  the  Indo-European  languages  and  with  varying 
signification.  Sometimes  it  helped  the  onomatopoetic 
effect,  as  in  Skt.  ululis,  hmrl^  Grk.  oAoXvXw,  Lat.  ululo; 
sometimes  it  indicated  repetition,  as  in  Skt.  dame- 
dame,  in  every  Jtouse^  or  Lat.  quisquis;  and,  again,  it 
was  intensive,  as  in  Skt.  priyas-priyas,  very  dear. 
As  is  indicated  by  these  examples,  it  sometimes  con- 
sisted of  the  repetition  of  the  entire  word,  but  more 
often  a  syllable  was  repeated.  Syllabic  reduplica- 
tion, even  in  Indo-European  times,  had  become  a 
means  of  indicating  certain  verb  forms,  especially 
formations  for  distinguishing  the  manner  of  action 
(359.  4),  and  later  for  denoting  a  tense  relation.  It 
was  preserved  in  the  Aryan  languages,  as  also  in 
Greek,  Latin,  Gothic,  and  Old  Irish. 

There  were  three  tenses  in  which  reduplication 
might  occur:  the  present,  the  aorist,  and  the  perfect. 
In  some  instances  an  entire  syllable  was  repeated 
(occasionally  even  two  syllables),  more  often  the 
initial  consonant,  with  i  or  e,  formed  a  reduplicating 
syllable.  Both  i  and  e  occurred  in  this  syllable  of  re- 
duplicated presents,  e  in  the  aorists  and  perfects. 

362.  The  Augment,  as  has  been  mentioned  above, 


362-364J  The  VvAiu.  151 

^v^l.s  originally  a  temporal  adverb,  which  gave  a  past 
nieaniug  to  certain  verb  forms  having  no  tense  sig- 
nification in  themselves.  This  adverbial  particle  in 
Indo-European  was  e,  which  before  forms  beginning 
with  a  consonant  made  a  separate  syllable,  and  before 
an  initial  vowel  contracted  with  that  vowel;  e.  </., 
I.  E.  *e-bheroin,  /lore,  Skt.  abharam,  Cirk.  l4>(.pov,  I.  E. 
*esm  <  *e-esm,  I  was^  Skt.  asam,  Grk.  Horn.  ^a.  If 
the  past  signification  was  evident  from  the  context, 
the  augment  could  be  omitted.  Hence  the  parent 
language  must  have  had  *bherom  beside  *ebherom, 
and  the  unaugmented  forms  came  in  the  course  of 
time  to  be  regarded  as  past  as  well  as  the  augmented. 
Thus  in  the  Vedic  dialect  of  the  Sanskrit  and  in 
Greek  poetry,  especially  Homer,  augmentless  forms 
are  very  frequent. 

(b)  Reduplication  and  Augment  in  Ancient 
Persian. 

363.  In  the  reduplicating  syllable  of  the  pres- 
ent system  the  Ancient  Persian  either  preserves  the 
i  of  the  Indo-European  or  has  a  representing  Indo- 
European  e;  e.  r/.,  Anc.  Pers.  aistata  <  *a-sistata, 
Jie  stood,  Skt.  tisthati,  Av.  histaiti,  Grk.  To-tt/zai  < 
*o-i-o-Ta/u,i,  Lat.  sisto;  Anc.  Pers.  dadatuv,  let  Jiim  give, 
Skt.  dadatu,  GAv.  dadaiti,  but  Grk.  StSw/xi.  The  e 
which  was  used  in  the  reduplication  of  the  Indo- 
European  aorist  and  perfect  became  a  in  the  Ancient 
Persian  perfect,  as  caxriya,  3d  sg.  perf.  opt.  of 
kar,  do.  A  palatal  is  substituted  in  the  reduplicating 
syllable  for  an  initial  guttural  of  the  root  in  accord- 
ance with  145,  as  in  this  form  caxriya. 

364,  The  Indo-European  augment  e   appears  in 


152  The  Verb.  [364-367 

Ancient  Persian  as  a;  e.  r/.,  I.  E.  *e-bherom,  I  lore, 
Anc.  Pers.  abaram,  Skt.  abharam,  Grk.  l^tpov.  In 
verbs  beginning  with  a  vowel  there  appears  the  long 
vowel  or  heavy  diphthong  resulting  from  contraction 
of  the  augment  with  the  initial  vowel ;  e.  g.,  I.  E. 
*esm  <  *e-esm,  Ivms,  Anc.  Pers.  aham,  Skt.  asam, 
Grk.  Hom.  ^a;  1.  E.  *eym  <  *e-eym,  I  went^  Anc. 
Pers.  nij-ayam,  Skt.  ay  am,  Grk.  ^a  for  *^a  <  *^ya. 
Augmentless  forms  with  secondary  endings  occur  as 
injunctives  (357). 

3.  Indo-European  Personal  Endings. 

365.  For  indicating  the  differences  of  person  of 
the  verb,  the  Indo-European  had  two  groups  of  end- 
ings, the  primary  and  the  secondary.  The  primary 
endings  belonged  to  the  present  indicative,  the  future 
in  -syo  (481),  and  the  perfect  indicative  middle;  the 
secondary  to  the  augmented  indicative  tenses,  the 
optative,  and  the  injunctive  forms.  The  perfect  in- 
dicative active  had  endings  peculiar  to  itself  in  the 
singular  (385-387).  Some  subjunctive  endings  were 
primary,  others  secondary.  The  origin  of  the  per- 
sonal endings  is  not  known. 

366.  The  endings  were  added  to  verb  roots  some- 
times with,  sometimes  without,  the  intervention  of  a 
thematic  vowel,  thus  forming  two  great  classes  of 
verbs,  thematic  and  unthematic  (445). 

a.  Primary  Endings  of  the  Active. 
Singula)'. 

367.  1st  pers.  The  Indo-European  had  in  the  first 
person  the  ending  -mi  for  unthematic  verbs,  and  -0 
for  thematic;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *es-ini,  /"«/;?,  Skt.  asmi,  Av. 


367-372]  The  Verb.  l")-^* 

ahmi,  Anc.  Pers.  amiy,  Grk.  Lesb.  c'/x/xt,  Att.  tlfxi, 
Lith.  esmi;  I.  E.  *bher-o,  Ihear^  Grk.  <^€/3w,  Lat.  fero, 
Goth,  baira.  The  Aryan  hiuoruages  took  over  for 
thematic  verbs  the  endino:  -mi  of  the  unthematic; 
hence  Skt.  bharami,  Av.  barami,  Anc.  Pers,  jadi- 
yamiy,  I  pray. 

368.  2d  pers.  The  Indo-European  ending  was  -si; 
e.  g. ,  I.  E.  *es-si,  *esi,  thou  art.^  Skt.  asi,  Av.  ahi,  Anc. 
Pers.  (subj.)  ahy  (66.  1,  d),  Grk.  IIoiii.  €o-cn',  Att.  Ci\ 
I.  E.  *bhere-si,  tliou  Ixctrest^  Skt.  bharasi,  Av.  barahi, 
Anc.  Pers.  (subj.)  pari-barahy  (66. 1,  d).  The  Grk.  2d 
sg.  of  verbs  in  -w  is  a  re-formation  on  the  analogy 
of  secondary  endings. 

369.  3d  pers.  The  Indo-European  3d  person  ended 
in  -ti;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *es-ti,  Jw  /.s-,  Skt.  asti,  Av.  asti,  Anc. 
Pers.  astiy,  Grk.  cart;  I.  E.  *bhere-ti,  he  hears.,  Skt. 
bharati,  Av.  baraiti,  Anc.  Pers.  ^atiy  (<  *^ahatiy,  214), 
he  says. 

Dual. 

370.  1st  pers.  The  ending  of  the  first  person  dual 
was  probably  -wes  or  -wos.  It  appears  in  Sanskrit, 
in  Avestan,  in  the  Balto-Slavonic  group,  and  in 
Gothic;  c.  f/.,  I.  E.  *s-wes,  v:e  {two)  are.,  Skt.  svas; 
I.  E.  *bhero-wes(i),  Skt.  bharavas,  A  v.  usvahi,  %i;e 
{two)  tciJI. 

371.  2d  pers.  The  original  ending  was  -t(h)es  or 
-t(h)os;  €.  g..,  I.  E.  *s-t(h)es,  you  {tivo)  are.,  Skt.  sthas; 
I.  E.  *bhere-t(h)es,  you  {two)  hear.,  Skt.  bharathas. 

372.  3d  pers.  This  form  in  Indo-European  ended 
in  -tes,  as  appears  in  Skt.  stas,  they  {tioo)  are,  Av. 
sto;  Skt.  bharatas,  t/iey  {tiro)  hear,  Av.  barato. 

Rem.  The  Greek  2(1  and  3d  pei-sons  dual  took  over  the 
ending  of  the  2d  person  dual  of  secondary  tenses. 


154  The  Verb.  [373-377 

Plural. 

373.  Ist  pers.  The  first  person  plural  of  Indo- 
European  ended  in  -mes(i)  : -inos(i);  e.  g.^  I.  E. , 
*s-mes(i),  we  are.,  Skt.  smas,  Av.  mahi,  Anc.  Pers. 
amahy;  I.  E.  *bhero-mes(i),  we  hecn^  Skt.  bharamas, 
Av.  baramahi,  Anc.  Pers.  ^ahyamahy  (66.  1,  d;  pass, 
with  act.  ending),  Grk.  Dor.  cfiipofj.e'i^  Lat.  ferimus. 

374.  2d  pers.  The  I.  E.  ending  was  probably  -the, 
but  this  was  not  distinguished  from  the  correspond- 
ing secondary  ending  (I.  E.  -te)  in  the  derived  lan- 
guages, with  the  exception  of  the  Aryan  group.  So 
I.  E.  *s-t(h)e,  ye  are.,  Skt.  stha,  Av.  sta,  Grk.  ifjTi\ 
1.  E.  *bhere-t(h)e,  ye  hear.,  Skt.  bharatha,  Av.  isa^a. 

375.  3d  pers.  For  this  ending  the  Indo-European 
had  after  consonants  the  accented  ending  -enti,  the 
unaccented  -nti,  and  after  vowels  -nti;  e.  g.^  I.  E. 
*s-enti,  they  are.,  Skt.  santi,  Av.  h9nti,  Anc.  Pers. 
ha"tiy  (179),  Grk.  Dor.  eVrt;  I.  E.  didh-nti,  they 
place.,  Skt.  dadhati,  Grk.  Horn.  perf.  7re</)vKuo-t;  I,  E. 
*bhero-nti,  Skt.  bharanti,  Av.  baranti,  Anc.  Pers. 
bara"tiy  (179),  Grk.  Dor.  ^e'/aovn,  Lat.  ferunt,  Goth, 
bairand. 

b.   Secondary  Endings  of  the  Active, 
Singular. 

376.  1st  pers.  The  I.  E.  ending  was  -m  after  a 
consonant,  -m  after  a  vowel;  e.  j/.,  I.  E.  *es-m,  I  was, 
Skt.  asam,  Anc.  Pers.  aham,  Grk.  Horn,  ^a;  I.  E. 
■'^  ebhero-m,  /  bore,  Skt.  abharam,  A  v.  bar9m,  Anc. 
Pers.  abaram,  Grk.  €(f>epov,  Lat.  feram  (inj.). 

377.  2d  pers.  The  second  person  ended  in  -s;  e.  g., 
I.  E.  *es-s,  thou  weist,  Skt.  asthas,  A  v.  as,  Grk. 
£o-Ti7s;  I.  E.  *ebhere-s,  thou  didst  Icttr,  Skt.  abharas, 


377-384]  ''''"'  ^  ''"''•  ^'^^ 

Ay.    jaso  (for  -a        -ah   =  -a-s),  thoa  earnest^  Anc. 
Ters.  (inj.)  ava-rada  (192),  leave  thou,  Grk.  €<^ep£s. 

378.  3cl  pers.  The  hulo-Enropean  ended  in  -t; 
e.  g.,  I.  E.  es-t,  he  was,  Skt.  asthat,  A  v.  as,  as,  Anc. 
Pers.  aha  (440.  a),  Grk.  Dor.  h  <  *W^',  I-  K. 
*ebhere-t,  he  hore,  Skt.  abharat,  Av.  barat,  Anc. 
Pers.  abara  (229),  Grk.  €<^ep£. 

Dual. 

379.  1st  pers.  The  original  ending  was  -we  or  -wo, 
as  in  Skt.  asva,  we  {tvx>)  were,  Av.  ahva,  Lith.  esva; 
Skt.  abharava,  we  {two)  hore,  Av.  jvava,  O.  Skiv. 
vezove;  but  in  most  Indo-Eui'opean  languages  the 
fii-st  person  dual  was  lost  at  an  early  period. 

380.  2d  pers.  The  I.  E.  second  person  ended  in 
-torn;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *es-toin,  yoit  {tico)  were,  Skt.  astam, 
Grk.  ^o-Tov;  I.  E.  *ebhere-tom,  yo\i  {fu-o)  hore,  Skt. 
abharatam,  Grk.  ec^epcrov,  O.  Slav,  vezata. 

381.  ;'.d  pers.  The  I.  E.  ending  was  -tarn;  e.  g., 
I.  E.  es-tam,  they  {two)  were,  Skt.  astam,  Grk.  y)(nr^v; 
I.  E.  *ebhere-tam,  th>'i/  {two)  lore,  Skt.  abharatam, 
Av.  jasatam,  Grk.  icfiep^T-qv. 

Plural. 

382.  1st  pers.  This  ending  of  the  Indo-European, 
like  the  corresponding  primary  ending,  is  not  cer- 
tainly known;  it  was  probably  -me  :  -mo.  Hence  the 
Skt.  asma,  we  v:ere,  A  v.  ahma,  Lith.  buvome;  Skt. 
abharama,  ive  hore,  Av.  bavama,  Anc.  Pers.  akuma. 

383.  2d  pers.  The  I.  E.  ending  was  -te;  e.  <j.,  I.  E. 
*es-te,  you  were,  Skt.  asta,  Av.  usta,  Grk.  ^o-re,  Lith. 
buvote;  I.  E.  *ebhere-te,  y»a  hoi-r,  Skt.  abharata,  Av. 
jasata,  Anc.  Pers.  (inj.)  jata  (or  ja'^ta),  Grk.  e</)£>€Te. 

384.  3d  pers.    Three  forms  of  the  ending  occurred 


156  The  Vrrp..  [384-388 

here,  as  in  the  primary  tenses:  -ent  was  the  accented 
ending  following  a  consonant,  -nt  unaccented  after  a 
consonant,  and  -nt  the  ending  after  a  vowel;  e.  g.^ 
1.  E.  *es-ent,  they  were^  Skt.  asan,  Av.  h9n,  Anc. 
Pers.  aha",  Grk.  Dor.  r\v  (=^£v,  became  3d  sg.  after 
the  introduction  of  the  new  formation  ^o-ai/);  I.  E. 
*ebhero-nt,  they  Tjore^  Skt.  abharan,  Av.  barsn,  Anc. 
Pers.  abara",  Grk.  l<^tpov.  -at  of  the  GAv.  dadat  rep- 
resents the  I.  E.  -nt  and,  Ixit  for  the  influence  of 
analogy,  the  Greek  aorist  iKvaav^  cSeifav,  etc.,  would 
have  ended  simply  in  -a  (/.  t'.,  -ar  <;  I.  E.  -nt). 

c.  Perfect  Endings  of  the  Active. 
Singular. 

385.  1st.  pers.  The  ending  was  -a,  w^hich  survived 
in  the  Aryan  languages  and  in  Greek;  e.  g.,  I.  E. 
*dedork-a,  I  have  seen.,  Skt.  dadaiQa,  YAv.  didvaesa, 
Grk.  SeSopKa;  I.  E.  *woid-a,  I hnoii\  Skt.  veda,  GAv. 
vaeda,  Grk.  otSa. 

386.  2d  pers.  The  second  person  ended  in  -tha; 
e.  g.,  I.  E.  *woit-tha,  t//ou  I'nowesf.,  Skt.  vettha,  GAv. 
voista,  Grk.  olo-^a  (-as  was  a  re-formation),  YAv. 
dada^a. 

387.  3d  pers.  The  ending  in  Indo-European  was 
-e;  so  Skt.  -a,  Av.  -a,  Grk.  -e;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *dedork-e, 
he  has  seen,  Skt.  dadarga,  YAv.  yayata,  Grk.  Se'Sopxe; 
I.  E.  *woid-e,  //e  l-nows,  Skt.  veda,  YAv.  vaeSa,  (irk, 
oiSe. 

Dual 

388.  1st  pers.  The  Indo-European  seems  to  have 
had  hei-e  the  -we  or  -wo  of  the  corresponding  form 
of  secondary  tenses.  This  ending  appears  in  San- 
skrit as  -va,  e.  </.,  cakrva. 


389-393]  'I'l"'  Verb.  157 

389.  2(1  pers.  No  correspondence  is  found  here  be- 
tween the  Aryan  and  the  Greek;  e.  </.,  Skt.  cakrathur, 
Grk.  lo-Tov. 

390.  od  pers.  In  the  third  person,  as  in  the  sec- 
ond, the  derived  langnuofes  do  not  agree,  the  Sanskrit 
ending  being  -atur,  the  Avestan  -atar**,  while  the 
Greek  has  again  the  same  ending  as  the  present. 
The  Aryan  ending  may  have  been  influenced  l)y  that 
of  the  third  person  plural.  The  Sanskrit  -athur  and 
-atur  of  the  second  and  third  person  stand  in  the  same 
relation  as  the  primary  endings  -thas  and  -tas.  Ex- 
amples are  Skt.  yetatur,  tJiey  (tico)  have  endeavored^ 
Av.  yaetatar%  but  Grk.  io-tov. 

Plural. 

391.  1st  pers.  The  first  person  plural  probably 
had  as  its  ending  the  -me  or  -mo  that  belonged  to 
secondary  tenses;  e.  ^.,  I.  E.  *wid-me  (-mo),  vel'nov^ 
Skt.    vidma,   GAv.    yoi^^ma,    YAv.    didvisma,   Grk. 

icr/xev. 

392.  2d  pers.  The  ending  -a  is  found  only  in  the 
Aryan  group;  the  Greek  has  -tc;  e.  g.,  Skt.  cakra, 
Av.  vaoraza^a,  Skt.  vida,  Grk.  ta-re. 

393.  3d  pers.  An  ending  in  -r  occurs  in  various 
forms  of  the  Aryan  and  of  the  Italic  and  Keltic  lan- 
guages. It  was  sometimes  itself  a  personal  ending, 
as  in  Skt.  vidur,  it  sometimes  united  with  the  reg- 
ular personal  ending,  as  in  Lat.  -ntur  <  -nto-r.  It 
occurs  again  in  the  third  person  plural  of  the  perfect 
in  Sanskrit  and  Avestan;  e.  g.,  Skt.  asur,  the//  Juive 
heen^  Av.  anhar^,  but  Grk.  lo-ao-i  (  ;  -avn).  Thus 
nothing  definite  is  known  of  the  Indo-European 
endinsr. 


158  The  Verb.  [394-397 

d.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  Active. 
Singular. 

394.  1st  pers.  Only  in  Sanskrit  and  Avestan  do 
we  find  the  ending  -ani  of  the  first  person.  The 
Veda  has  also  a  shorter  form  in  -a,  a  subjmictive 
from  which  the  longer  form  may  have  been  made  in 
primitive  Aryan  by  the  addition  of  the  particle  -na, 
which  then  became  -ni  by  analogy  with  other  forms 
in  -i.  Thus  Skt.  bharani,  YAv.  barani;  Ved.  also 
brava,  Av.  mrava. 

395.  2d  pers.  In  thematic  verbs  the  bare  stem  was 
used  as  second  person;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *bhere,  hear  tliou^ 
Skt.  bhara,  Av.  bara,  Grk.  <^epe.  In  unthematic 
verbs  the  Indo-European  had  sometimes  the  bare 
stem,  sometimes  the  ending  -dhi,  which  was  prob- 
ably'originally  adverbial,  and  occurs  only  in  Aryan, 
Greek,  and  Balto-Slavonic;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *ei,  go  thou^ 
Grk.  £^et,  lo-Ti^,  Lat.  exi,  vide;  1.  E.  *i-dhi,  go  thou^ 
Skt.  ihi,  GAv.  idi,  YAv.  iSi,  Anc.  Pers.  -idiy,  Grk.  Wi. 

396.  2d  and  3d  pers.  The  I.  E.  ending  -tod,  orig- 
inally the  abl.  sg.  neut.  of  the  demonstrative  pro- 
noun used  as  an  adverb  of  time,  became  an  impera- 
tive ending  of  both  second  and  third  persons.  In  the 
Veda  it  is  used  almost  always  for  the  2d  pers.  sg.,  in 
Greek  it  belongs  only  to  the  3d  pers.  sg.,  and  in 
Latin  it  occurs  in  both  2d  and  3d  pers.  sg. ;  e.  g., 
I.  E.  *ei-tod,  let  Mm  go^  Grk.  i'tw,  Lat.  ito,  memento; 
Skt.  vittad,  Jet  him  hiow,  Grk.  io-tw;  I.  E.  '^bhere-tod, 
let  him  hear,  Skt.  bharatad,  Grk.  ^tpirta. 

397.  The  Aryan  ending  of  the  third  person  -tu  was 
probably  derived  from  the  injunctive  ending  -t  with 
the  particle  -u;  e.  f/.,  I.  E.  *bhere-t-u,  let  him  hear^ 
Skt.  bharatu,  Av.  baratu,  Anc.  Pers.  baratuv. 


398-403]  Tin:  Verb.  150 

Dual. 

398.  The  Sanskrit  uses  in  the  first  person  tlie  sub- 
junctive form  Avilh  secondary  ending:.  So  also  the 
second  and  thiid  persons  dual  of  the  Sanskrit  have 
secondary  endinfjs  (injunctive).  No  distinctive  dual 
imperative  ending  is  found. 

Plural. 

399.  1st  pers.  The  Sanski'it  has,  again,  the  sec- 
ondary ending  of  the  subjunctive,  and  a  special  im- 
perative ending  does  not  occur. 

400.  2d  pers.  The  secondary  ending  -te  (injunc- 
tive) is  seen  in  Skt.  bharata,  hear  ye^  Grk.  (^epere;  Skt. 
sta,  1)6  yt\  Grk.  eo-re,  Lat.  este. 

401.  3d  pers.  Corresponding  to  the  singular  -tu, 
which  survived  in  the  Aryan  languages,  is  the  plural 
ending  -ntu,  -ntu,-entu;  e.  ^.,  I.  PI  *bhero-nt-u,  let  them 
hear.,  Skt.  bharantu,  Av.  barantu;  I.  E.  *dhedh-nt-u, 
let  them  put.,  Skt.  dadhatu;  I.  E.  *s-ent-u,  let  them  he^ 
Skt.  santu,  GAv.  bantu. 

e.  Primary  Endings  of  the  ]\Iiddle. 

Singular. 

402.  1st  pers.  From  the  forms  in  the  derived  lan- 
guages the  Indo-Em'opean  ending  of  the  first  person 
cannot  be  determined.  The  perfect  ending  was  prob- 
a])ly  -ai,  as  Skt.  tutude  <  I.  E.  *t(e)tud-ai,  Lat.  tutudi, 
and  this  ending  was  generalized  in  the  Aryan  gi'oup, 
while  the  Greek  has  -/wat,  which  appears  in  no  other 
language.  Thus,  Skt.  ase,  /  6/7,  Av.  gar-ze,  Grk. 
^/luw;  Skt.  bhare,  /  le(U\  Av.  yaze,  Grk.  <f>epofjiaL. 

403.  2d  pers.  The  original  eiKling  was  -sai;  e.  </., 
I.  E.  *es-sai,  thtni  s!tte-'<t^  Skt.  asse,  A  v.  daiihe  (subj.). 


IGO  Thk  Verb.  [403-407 

Grk.  7;o-at;  I,  E.  *bhere-sai,  tJma  heaved^  Skt.  bharase, 
Av.   par'sahe,  Anc.    Pers.    maniyahay  (sul>j.),   Grk. 

(Repeat,  yeypai/zat,  Goth.  bairaza. 

404.  3d  pci's.  In  the  third  person  the  Indo-Euro- 
pean had  the  ending  -tai  or  (in  the  perfect)  -ai;  e.  (/., 
I.  E.  *es-tai,  lie  siis,  Skt.  aste,  A  v.  vaste,  Grk.  lyo-rai; 
I.  E.  *bhere-tai,  he  hears,  Skt.  bharate,  Av.  yazaite, 
Anc.  Pers.  yadataiy  (subj.),  Grk.  ^cperat,  Goth,  bai- 
rada;  Skt.  (perf.)  dadhe,  Av.  daiSe.  (The  Greek  per- 
fect in  -rat  is  a  re-formation.) 

Dual. 

405.  1st  pers.  The  original  ending  is  not  known. 
The  Skt.  ending  -vahe  is  made  on  the  analogy  of  the 
the  first  person  plural;  so  also  the  Grk.  -neOov  from 
the  endings  -fieOa  and  -aOov.  Examples  are:  Skt.  as- 
vahe,  we  (two)  sit,   bharavahe,  we  (tvjo)  hear,  Grk. 

406.  2d  pers.  The  Sanskrit  has  -athe,  the  Greek 
-(t6ov,  from  which  the  original  ending  is  not  evident; 
e.  g.,  Skt.  asathe,  you  {two)  sit,  Grk.  170-^0^;  Skt. 
bharethe,  yoii  {two)  hear,  Grk.  ^ip^aOov^  Skt.  (perf.) 
dadhathe,  ye  {two)  have  j^^^t- 

407.  3d  pers.  The  Sanskrit  has  -ate,  and  the  Greek, 
as  in  the  second  person,  has  -(tOov;  e.  g.,  Skt.  asate, 
Av.  jamaete  (subj.),  Grk.  rjcrOov,  Skt.  bharete,  they 
{tivo)  hear,  Av.  visaete,  Grk.  <f>€peaOov,  Skt.  (perf.) 
dadhate,  they  {ttco)  have  iJut. 

Skt.  bharethe,  bharete,  point  to  original  Ar^'-an 
endings  -ithe  and  -ite,  and  this  -i-  appears  again  in 
the  Vodic  aorist  adhitam  (cf .  corresponding  seconda- 
ry endings,  415,  416). 


408-412 J  TiiK  \'i:ki!.  1()1 

408.  1st  peis.  The  Iiulo-European  ending  was 
probal)ly  -medhai,  rriui,  Ar.  -madhai,  represented 
by  Skt.  -mahe,  Av.  -maide,  while  the  Grk.  -fxtOa  is 
taken  over  from  secondary  tenses;  thus,  Skt.  asmahe, 
ice  sit,  Av.  mrumaide,  Grk.  17/xe^a;  Skt.  bharamahe, 
we  l)em\  Av.  baramaide,  Grk.  <j>ep6fjL€6a. 

409.  2d  pers.  The  Indo-European  ending  is  not 
known;  the  Aryan  was  -dhvai,  as  appears  in  Skt. 
-dhve,  YAv.  -^e,  GAv.  -duye  (for  duve),  but  the 
Greek  has  -a^e;  thus  Skt.  adhve,  ymi  sif,  Grk.  ^a-Oc, 
Skt.  bharadhve,  YAv.  cara^we,  GAv.  daduye. 

410.  3d  pers.  The  Indo-European  ending  was 
-ntai  after  consonants  and  -ntai  after  vowels;  e.  (j., 
I.  E.  *es-ntai,  they  sit,  Skt.  asate,  Av.  raezaite,  Grk. 
Horn.  T-Jarai  (r/vrai  is  a  re-formation),  T£Tpa<^aTai  (perf.); 
I.  E.  *bhero-ntai,  tJunj  hear^  Skt.  bharante,  Av.  baran- 
te,  Grk.  (^ipovrai^  /3efi\r]vTai  (perf.),  Goth,  bairanda. 

f.  Secondary  Endings  of  the  Middle. 
Si?igular. 

411.  1st  pers.  The  original  ending  cannot  be  de- 
cided from  the  forms  in  the  derived  languages.  The 
Aryan  group  had  -i,  which  in  thematic  verbs  united 
with  -a-  to  make  -ai,  Skt.  and  Av.  -e,  while  the  Grk. 
-/j-rjv  is  eutii'ely  distinct ;  e.  g. ,  Skt.  asi,  /  sat,  Av. 
aoji,  Grk.  rj^-qv-  Skt.  abhare,  /  hore,  Anc.  Pers. 
ayadaiy,  Av.  baire,  Grk.  I<i>cp6p.rjv. 

412.  2d  pers.  The  Indo-European  had  two  end- 
ings of  the  second  person,  -thes  and  -so,  probably 
using  the  former  for  unthematic  ver])s  and  the  latter 
for  thematic;  then  -thes  was  generalized  in  Sanskrit, 
-so  in  Iranian,  while  both  survive  in  Greek;   e.  g., 

11 


IG2  '  The  Verb.  [412-417 

I.  E.  *es-thes,  thou  didst  sit,  Skt.  asthas,  Av.  mingha 
(<  Ar.  *man-sa),  Gik.  ^o-o,  i860r]';  (=  Skt,  adithas); 
I.  E.  *ebhere-so,  t/iou  didst  lea);  Skt.  abharathas, 
Av.  baranha,  baraesa  (opt.),  Grk.  i<f>ipeo,  ^e'poto,  Lat. 
seque-re. 

413.  3d  pers.  The  original  third  person  ended  in 
-to;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *es-to,  he  sat^  Skt.  asta,  adita  (<  I.  E. 
*ed9-to),  Av.  manta,  Anc.  Pers.  patiy-ajata,  Grk. 
7/o-To,  (.hoTo,  Lat.  datur  (  '  *da-to-r.  393);  I.  E.  *ebhere- 
-to,  he  lore,  *bheroi-to  (opt.),  Skt.  abharata,  bhareta, 
Av.    yazata,    baraeta,    Anc.    Pers.    agaubata,    Grk. 

i<ji€p€TO,    (jiepOLTO. 

Dual. 

414.  1st  pers.  The  Indo-European  dual  endings 
are  not  known.  The  Aryan  first  person  in  -vadhi 
is  a  re-formation  after  the  first  person  phiral  (cf. 
the  corresponding  primary  ending,  405);  e.  g.,  Skt. 
asvahi,  v:e  {two)  sat,  Av.  dvaidi,  Skt.  abharavahi,  we 
{two)  hore. 

415.  2d  pers.  The  Sanskrit  has  here  -atham  or 
itham  (the  union  of  the  thematic  vowel  with  -itham 
making  -etham),  while  the  Greek  has  -ctOov,  e.  _f/., 
Skt.  asatham,  you  {tioo)  sat,  Grk.  t;o-^ov;  Skt.  abha- 
retham,  you  {two)  hore,  Grk.  l<i>ip(.(TBov. 

416.  3d  pers.  The  Aryan  endings  were  -atam, 
-itam,  while  the  Greek  had  -(rO-qv,  e.  //.,  Skt.  asatam, 
they  {two)  sat,  Av.  daiSitam,  Grk.  -^aOrjv;  Skt.  abha- 
retam,  t/iey  {two)  lore,  Av.    aparasaetam,  Grk.   l<^(.- 

piO-Orjv. 

Plural. 

417.  1st  pers.  The  original  ending  was  probably 
-medhs,  from  which  the  Aryan  had  -madhi  and  the 


417-422]  The  Vkrh.  lf)3 

Greek  -fj.t6a  (used  also  as  piiiuary,  408);  e.  //.,  I.  E. 
*es-medh9,  ^ve  sat,  Skt.-asmahi,  A  v.  var'maidi,  Grk. 
yJ/Ac^a;  I.  E.  *ebhero-medh9,  v/v  ?M>rt',  *bheroi-medh9 
(opt.),  Skt.  abharamahi,  bharemahi,  GAv.  baroimaidi, 

Grk.   icf>tp6fit6a^  (f)£pOLfi.eOa. 

418.  2d  pers.  What  relation,  if  any,  existed  be- 
tween the  Aryan  ending  -dhwam  (<  1.  E.  -dhwom) 
and  the  Greek  -aOe  or  dual  -aOov  is  not  clear.  Exam- 
ples are,  !Skt.  adhvam,  y(>a  sat,  GAv.  aidum,  Grk. 
■^aOe;  Skt.  abharadhvam,  //on  hare,  YAv.  darayaSwam, 
Grk.  i(fi€p(.(T$€. 

419.  3d  pers.  The  endings  here  correspond  to 
those  of  this  person  in  primary  tenses  (410),  -nto 
being  used  after  consonants,  -nto  after  vowels;  e.  g., 
I.  E.  *es-nto,  t/tey  sat,  Skt.  asata,  Av.  varata,  Grk. 
Horn.  i7aTo  (rjvTo  is  a  re-formation).  Prim.  Grk. 
*€Tt^aTo;*  I,  E.  ^ebhero-nto,  thei/  hore,  Skt.  abharanta, 
Av,  yazanta,  Anc.  Pers.  abara°ta,  Grk.  l^kpovTo,  Lat. 
feruntur  (      feronto-r,  393). 

g.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  Middle. 

Singular. 

420.  1st  pers.  In  Skt.  the  primary  (subjunctive) 
ending  -e  is  used.  No  special  imperative  form  oc- 
curs. 

421.  2d  pers.  The  Aryan  ending  -sva  represents 
the  I.  E.  reflexive  pronoun  *swe,  which  was  joined 
to  the  imperative;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *bhere-swe,  hear  thou, 
Skt.  bharasva;  Skt.  datsva,  Av.  dasva. 

422.  8d  pers.  The  ending  -tarn  is  only  Aryan; 
€.  g.,  Skt.  bharatam,  let  him,  hear,  Av.  v9r®zyatain, 
Anc.  Pers,  varnavatam. 


164  The  Verb.  [423-428 

Dual. 

423.  Here,  as  in  the  active,  the  Sanskrit  has  its  first 
person  after  the  anah)Ofy  of  the  tirst  person  plural 
(with  the  -V-  element  instead  of  -m-),  and  the  second 
and  third  persons  with  secondary  endings  (injunc- 
tive).    No  special  dual  imperative  endings  occur. 

Plural. 

424.  1st  pers.     The  Sanskrit  uses  the  subjunctive. 

425.  2d  pers.  The  secondary  ending  (injunctive) 
is  seen  in  the  Skt.  -dhvam. 

426.  3d  pers.  AVhether  any  connection  existed 
between  the  Skt.  mid.  -ntam,  -atam  and  the  Grk.  act. 
-vTwv,  with  change  of  voice,  is  not  evident. 

4.  Personal  Endings  of  Ancient  Persian. 

427.  The  personal  endings  that  occur  in  Ancient 
Persian  represent  regularly  the  Indo-European,  ac- 
cording to  the  treatment  of  Indo-European  sounds 
in  Ancient  Persian  as  discussed  in  previous  chapters. 
No  dual  num])er  of  the  verb  is  found.  The  use  of 
the  plural  verl)  instead  of  the  dual  is  shown  in  Xerx, 
Pers.  a.  17,  akuma,  where  two  persons  (Xerxes  and 
Darius)  have  just  been  mentioned. 

a.  Primary  Endings  of  the  Active. 
Shi()ular. 

428.  1st  pers.  I.  E.  -mi  remained  in  Anc.  Pers. 
(written  -miy,  66.  1)  and  was  used  not  only  for  un- 
thematic  but  for  thematic  verbs,  as  in  Skt.  and  YAv. 
2d  pers.  I.  E,  -si  appears  in  Anc.  Pers.  as  -hy  (/.  f., 
-h'y,  66.  1,  d).  3d  pers.  The  I.  E.  ending  -ti  was 
kept  (written  -tiy,  66.  1). 


429-433]  'Tin;  Vkri5.  ICm 

Phiral. 

429.  1st  pcrs,  I.  E.  -mes(i) :  -mos(i)  appears  in 
Auc.  Pcrs.  -mahy  {i.  6".,  -mah'y,  66.  1,  cl).  The  2(1  peis. 
is  wantinof,  3d  peis.  I.  E.  -enti,  -nti,  appear  in 
Anc.  Pers.  -a"tiy,  -"tiy  (179,  66.  1). 

b.  Secondary  Endings  of  the  Active. 
Singular. 

430.  1st  pers.  I.  E.  -m,  -m  are  kept  in  Anc.  Pers. 
-am,  -m  ( 106,  178,  180).  2d  pers.  I.  E.  -s  after  be- 
coming -h  Avas  h)st  (190,  192),  3d  pers.  I.  E.  -t  was 
dropped  (160,  229). 

Plural. 

431.  1st  pers.  I.  E.  -me: -mo  occurs  as  -ma  in  Anc. 
Pers.  (89,  93,  61).  2d  pers.  1.  E.  -te,  Ar.  -ta  is 
written  -ta  (89,  61).  3d  pers.  I.  E.  -ent,  -nt  lose 
the  final  consonant  and  appear  as  -a",  -"  (176,  160, 
179.  229). 

432.  It  is  also  to  be  observed  that  the  sigmatic 
aorist  endings  -s  (<  Ir.  -st)  and  -sa  (-sa")  are  some- 
times extended  to  other  tenses;  e.  (/.,  imperf.  aduruji- 
yasa".  The  same  ending  is  probably  seen  also  in 
abaraha",  NRa.  lt»  (-s-  becoming  -h-  according  to  192), 
instead  of  the  regularly  recurring  abara".  See  Tol- 
man  j\[adras><a  Juhilee  VoliDiie^  172. 

c.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  Active. 

Singular. 

433.  The  first  person  does  not  occur  in  Ancient 
Persian.  In  the  second  person  no  example  of  the 
bare  stem  is  found,  unless  we  take  such  forms  as 
jiva  (2d  sg.  subj.,  Tolman  Ze,r.  90)  and  ^adaya 
(inj.,   Tolman  Zex.   95)  as  imperative.      The  I.  E. 


166  The  Verb.  1433-438 

ending  -dhi  appears  as  -diy  (163,  168,  66.  1).     The 
third  person  -tu  is  preserved  as  -tuv  (66.  1). 

Plural. 

434.  Only  the  second  person  of  the  phiral  occurs, 
with  secondary  ending  (injunctive)  -ta,  representing 
I.  K.  -te  (89,  61). 

d.  Primary  Endings  of  the  Middle. 

Singular, 

435.  1st  pers.  -aiy  is  possibly  found  in  ayadaiy 
Bh.  5.  16  (Weissbach),  but  Tolman  reads  ayadaiy 
(imperf.).  2d  pers.  I.  E.  -sal  is  kept  in  Anc.  Pers. 
-hay  (66.  2.  a).  3d  pers.  I.  E.  -tai  remains  as  -tay 
(66.  2.  a). 

No  plural  forms  of  primary  tenses  occur. 

e.  Secondary  Endings  of  the  Middle, 
Singular. 

436.  1st  pers.  The  Ar.  -i  remains  in  Anc.  Pers. 
-iy  (66.  1).  The  2d  pers.  is  wanting.  3d  pers.  I.  E. 
-to  is  kept  in  Anc.  Pers.  -ta  (93,  61). 

Plural. 

437.  Only  the  3d  person  of  the  plural  is  found  in 
Anc.  Pers.,  where  -"ta  represents  I.  E.  -nto  (i79> 
93,  61). 

f.  Imperative  Endings  of  the  INIiddlo. 

Singular. 

438.  The  1st  pers.  does  not  occur.  In  the  2d  pers. 
the  I.  E.  ending  -swe  appears  as  -uva  (226,  89,  61). 
The  3d  pers.  ends  in  -tam. 

Plural  forms  do  not  occur. 


438-440] 


TlIK    VV.RV. 


167 


The  endings  given  in  the  above  sections  are  illus- 
tnitcd  in  the  following  forms: 
439.  Primary  Active. 


1.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

Sy.l. 

-mi  (unthen 

1.)  amiy 

asmi 

ahmi 

-0  (them. ) 

jadiyamiy 

bharami 

barami 

2. 

-si 

ahy  (subj.) 

asi 

ahi 

-barahy 

bharasi 

barahi 

(subj.) 

3. 

-ti 

astiy 

asti 

asti 

^atiy 

bharati 

baraiti 

/Y.  i. 

-mes(i),  -mos 

;(i)  amahy 

smas 

mahi 

^ahyamahy 

bharamas  baramahi 

8. 

-enti  (unthem. )  ha^tiy 

santi 

h9nti 

-nti  (them.) 

bara"tiy 

bharanti 

baranti 

440. 

Secondary 

Active. 

I.  E. 

Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

Sfj.l. 

-m  (nnthem. 

.)   aham 

asam 

aram 

(rt.  ar) 

-m  (them.) 

abaram 

abharam 

baram 

2. 

-s 

-rada  (inj.) 

abharas 

jaso 

3. 

-t 

aha 

asit 

as 

abara 

abharat 

barat 

P/.l. 

-me,  -mo 

akuma 

abharama  bavama 

2. 

-te 

jata  (inj.) 

abharata 

jasata    - 

3. 

-nt 

aha° 

asan 

h9ii 

abara" 

abharan 

barsn 

(a)  The  3d  pers.  sg.  aha  (instead  of  original  *ast) 
suggests  the  perfect  forms,  Skt.  asa,  Av.  anha,  but 
the  fiK't  that  the  final  a  is  not  written  in  ah'*  points 
to  the  loss  of  the  linal  t,  showing  that  the  perfect 


168 


The  Verb. 


[440-444 


form  *aha  must  have  taken  on  an  imperfect  ending 
and  become  *ahat,  then  aha. 

(b)  The  fact  that  the  3d  pers.  ag.  and  the  3d  pers. 
pi.,  aha,  aha",  abara,  abara",  were  written  alike  may 
account  for  the  introduction  of  a  middle  form  with 
no  middle  meaning,  as  aha"ta,  abara"ta,  as  well  as 
the  use,  in  this  tense,  of  the  sigmatic  aorist  endings 
mentioned  in  432. 


441 

.  Imperative  Active. 

I.  E.     Anc.  Pers.  .    Skt. 

Av. 

Sg.2. 

3. 

PL  2. 

-dhi          -idiy            ihi          GAv.  idi,  YAv.  iSi. 
-t-u          baratuv       bharatu         baratu 
-te            jata            sta 

442. 

.  Primary  Middle. 

I.  E.           Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

Sg.2. 
3. 

-sai       maniyahay  (su])j.) 
-tai       gaubataiy 

bharase 
bharate 

p9r'sahe 
yazaite 

443- 

Secondary  Middle. 

I.  E.          Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

Sg.  1. 
3. 

(Ar.  -i)      adarsiy 

(-aiy,  490) 
ayadaiy 
-to             agaubata 

abhare         baire 
abharata     yazata 

PL  8. 

-ento  (unthem.)  aha"ta 
-nto  (them.)        abara"ta 

abharanta   yazanta 

444. 

Imperative  Middle. 
I.  E.         Anc.  Pers. 

Skt. 

Av. 

Sg.2. 
3. 

-swe             patipayauva 
(Ar.  -tarn)  varnavatam 

datsva 
dattam 

dasva 
vsr'zyatam 

445"446J  T'he  Verb.  l(i!> 

6.  The  Indo-European  Present  System. 

445.  As  has  ])een  stated  above  (366),  the  parent 
hinguage  had  two  great  classes  of  verljs:  the  Unthe- 
niatic,  in  which  the  personal  endings  were  added  di- 
rectly to  the  verb  root,  and  the  Thematic,  in  which 
a  thematic  vowel  e :  0  appeared  before  the  personal 
endings.  The  unthematic  formations  are  preserved 
best  in  the  Aryan  languages,  where  the  th'st  personal 
ending  -mi  w^as  even  extended  to  thematic  verbs,  but 
in  Greek  many  verbs  originally  unthematic  became 
thematic,  and  in  Latin  and  the  Germanic  group  very 
little  remains  of  the  unthematic  conjugation. 

446.  Further  classification  of  verbs  is  to  be  made 
according  to  their  method  of  forming  the  present 
stem,  i.  6'.,  the  stem  of  their  present  system,  which 
includes  present,  imperfect,  and  aorist  (358).  Unthe- 
matic verljs  may  have  (I)  Light  or  Monosyllabic 
Heavy  Base  (A)  without  Reduplication,  or  (B)  with 
Reduplication;  (II)  Dissyllabic  Heavy  Base  (A) 
without  Reduplication,  or  (B)  with  Reduplication; 
(III)  Thematic  verl)s  may  have  their  stem  (A)  with- 
out Reduplication,  the  thematic  vowel  being  either 
(1)  unaccented  or  (2)  accented,  or  (B)  with  Redupli- 
cation. To  these  must  be  added  (IV)  verbs  with 
Nasal  Stems,  including  (A)  the  na-Class,  (B)  stems 
with  "nasal  infix,"  and  (C)  the  nu-Class;  (V)  Sibi- 
lant and  Explosive  Stems,  those  (A)  in  -s  or  -so,  (1) 
without  Reduplication,  or  (2)  with  Reduplication;  (P)) 
in  -sk(h)o  (1)  without  Reduplication,  or  (2)  with  Redu- 
plication; (C)  in  -to-,  and  -dho-,  -do-;  and  (VI)  Stems 
in  (A)  -yo-,  (B)  -eyo-,  and  (C)  -wo-. 


170  The  Verb.  [447-449 

a.  Unthematic  Verbs. 

447.  lu  the  acti\'e  of  unthematic  verbs  of  mono- 
syllabic base  the  accent  fell  on  the  base  in  the  singu- 
lar, which  accordingly  had  the  high  ablaut  grade, 
while  in  the  dual  and  plural  the  accent  fell  on  the 
endings,  and  these  forms  accordingly  had  the  low 
grade  of  the  base  (119,  120). 

448.  Class  I.  A.  Light  or  Monosyllabic  Heavy 
Base  without  Reduplication.  (Root  Class.)  The 
change  of  ablaut  grade  with  change  of  accent  be- 
tween the  singular  and  the  dual  and  plural  is  il- 
lustrated in  the  following  examples:  1.  E.  *es-mi, 
*s-enti,  Skt.  asmi,  santi,  Av.  ahmi,  hanti,  Anc.  Pers. 
amiy,  ha"tiy;  I.  E.  ^-ei-mi,  *i-mes,  Skt.  emi,  imas, 
Grk.  etfiL,  i/Acv;  I.  E.  *ghen-ti,  *ghn-enti,  Skt.  hanti, 
ghnanti  (cf.  Anc.  Pers.  imperf.  ajanam,  pple.  -jata); 
Skt.  adham,  adhama  (f-or  *adhima,  a  carried  over 
from  the  singular),  Grk.  e^r/v,  tOsfiev. 

(a)  In  the  imperfect  of  *es  a  leveling  of  ablaut  had 
occurred  already  in  Indo-European  times,  so  that 
the  dual  and  plural  adopted  the  strong  or  accented 
base  that  belonged  to  the  singular;  e.  (/.,  I.  E.  *es-iii, 
*es-ent,  Skt.  asam,  asan,  Anc.  Pers.  aham,  aha". 

449.  Class  I.  B.  Light  or  Monosyllabic  Heavy 
Base  with  Reduplication.  These  presents  were  Indo- 
European  new  formations  from  aorists,  the  original 
presents  of  which,  on  monosyllabic  bases,  had  been 
lost.  Examples  arc:  T.  E.  *dhidhe-mi,  *dhidha-mes, 
Skt.  dadhami,  dadhma,  (irk.  TiOrjfJn^  TtOefxev;  I.  E. 
*did6-ini,  ""dida-mes,  Skt.  dadami,  dadmas,  TAv.  da- 
Saiti,  Anc.  Pers.  dadatuv,  Grk.  St'Sw/xt,  8t8o/x£v. 

(a)  Of  this  class  with  heavy  reduplication  are  the 


449-453]  "^^^^  Verm.  171 

presents  known  us  Iiitcnsives  or  Frequentatives  (361). 
Such  are  Skt.  vevedmi,  vevidmas;  varvarti,  varvrtati; 
Anc.  Pers.  niy-a-^'arayam  (465.  a),  YAv.  ni-sraraya 
(thematic). 

450.  Dissylhibic  Heavy  Bases.  The  accent  of 
presents  with  dissyllabic  heavy  bases  fell  in  the  siu- 
o^ular  on  the  lirst  syllable  of  the  base,  and  in  the 
dual  and  plural  on  the  personal  ending.  The  singu- 
lar accordingly  has  High  Grade  +  Loav  Grade  and 
the  dual  and  plural  Low  Grade  +  Low  Grade  in 
the  two  syllables  of  the  base  (119,  120). 

451.  Class  IL  A.  Dissyllabic  Heavy  Bases  with- 
out lleduplication.  In  the  first  of  the  two  syllables 
of  the  base  the  vowel  or  diphthong  was  short,  in  the 
second  it  was  long;  as,  I.  E.  *gene:*gen6;  *menei. 
The  original  accent  on  the  first  syllable  changed  the 
ablaut  grade  of  the  second  so  that  *gene  became 
*gen9  and  *menei  became  *meni;  but  if  the  second 
syllable  bore  the  accent  these  bases  became  *gne, 
*gno,  mne(i)  (129).  Hence  I.  E.  pres.  sg.  *gena-mi, 
but  pi.  *gn9-mes,  Aor.  *gn5-m,  *gno-s,  etc.  So  L  E. 
*reud9-mi,  "ruds-mes  from  base  *ruda,  Skt.  rodimi, 
rudimas;  I.  E.  *ghrebhi,  Skt.  agrabhit,  I.  E.  *ghrbhi, 
Skt.  grbhitas,  Anc.  Pers.  agarbita;  I.  E.  *bhwi,  Anc. 
Pers.  biya. 

452.  Class  II.  B.  Dissyllabic  Heavy  Base  with  Re- 
duplication. Examples  are:  Skt.  nonaviti,  vavaditi, 
jigati,  Grk.  fSifSrjai  (reduced  root),  Skt.  daridrati  (in- 
tensive; root  reduced),  I>,at.  murmura-t,  tintinna-t. 

b    Thematic  Verbs. 

453.  Class  III.  A.  Thematic  Verbs  without  Re- 
duplication.    The  accent  of  these  verbs  was  on  the 


172  The  Verb.  [453-454 

root  in  all  forms  of  tlic  present  and  on  the  thematic 
vowel  in  all  forms  of  the  aorist.  In  the  case  of  pri- 
mary verbs  the  present  was  originally  of  the  unthe- 
matic  conjugation,  going  over,  however,  to  the  the- 
matic conjugation  before  the  separation  of  the  lan- 
guages. It  kept  the  -e- :  -o-  from  the  aorist,  where 
this  vowel  was  in  the  earliest  period  part  of  the  base. 
Thus  from  the  I.  E.  *leiq,  leav>\  the  original  forms 
must  have  been  *leiq-mi,  *liq-mes,  which  later  in  the 
Indo-European  period  became  *leiq-5,  *leiqo-mes  on 
the  analogy  of  *liq6-m,  *liq6-me  from  the  base 
*liqe-. 

In  this  class  the  root  is  of  High  (seldom  Extended) 
Grade,  and  is  constant  throughout  the  present;  e.  c/., 
I.  E.  *bhere-ti,  *bheron-ti,  Skt.  bharati,  bharanti, 
Av.  baraiti,  baiQnti,  Anc.  Pers.  bara'tiy,  Grk.  </>£/)«, 
^epoDcri,  Dor.  ^e/DovTt,  Lat.  feit,  ferunt. 

(a)  Some  presents  of  this  class,  however,  use  the 
aorist  form  of  the  stem  and  are  called  aorist-pres- 
ents,  as  distinguished  from  the  so-called  imperfect- 
presents  like  *bhero  above.  Such  are  I.  E.  *sphrr-e-ti, 
Skt.  sphurati;  I.  E.  *wik-e-ti,  Skt.  viQati.  Such 
forms  often  remain  special  aorists.  So  the  two 
forms  of  the  I.  E.  bheudh  and  bhudhe  appear  in  Skt. 
bodhati,  budhanta,  Grk.  Trcv^crat,  kirvQi.To. 

454.  Class  III.  B.  Thematic  Verbs  with  Redupli- 
cation. These  have  mostly  the  Low  Grade  of  the 
root;  e.  </,,  I.  E.  *se-sq-e-ti  (root  *seq-),  Skt.  Ved. 
sagcati,  cf.  Grk.  c-o-Tr-ero.  So  from  the  root  *ghen, 
*ghn,  Grk.  €-7re-cf>v-ov.  Examples  of  forms  with  fuller 
reduplication  are  the  aorists,  Skt.  agigat,  root  ag-; 
(irk.  -^yayov^  root  ay-. 


455-457]  Tin;  \'i;ki:.  173 

c.  Nasal  Stems. 

455.  Class  IV.  A.  Stems  in  na-.  Here  the  nasal 
was  inserted  before  the  second  syllable  of  a  dissyl- 
labic base,  and  the  various  ablant  grades  of  this 
syllable  appear  as  -na-,  -n9-,  -n-;  e.  ^.,  from  the  base 
dm-a,  I.  E.  *dmna-mi,  *dmn9-mes,  Grk.  Sdfivrjfu  (for 
-vd-),  Bafj-vu/xcv;  Skt.  agnami,  a^nimas,  a^nanti;  Av. 
afrinami,  afrinanti,  Anc.  Pcrs.  adina  (imporf.);  I.  E. 
root  *gn-na-,  Skt.  janami,  Anc.  Pers.  adana  (Tolman 
Cun.  Suj).  124,  4;  Keller  KZ  39,  158;  Keichelt  Aw, 
Elein.  205). 

(a)  As  to  whether  the  Skt.  -ni-  is  a  new  formation 
for  -ni-  <  I.  E.  -na-,  or  the  I.  E.  -na-  was  itself  a 
new  formation  to  -na(i)-  from  which  conies  Skt.  -ni-, 
scholars  are  not  agreed. 

456.  Class  IV.  B.  Stems  with  Nasal  Intix.  The 
nasal  -n-,  appearing  in  Skt.  in  the  strong  form  as 
-na-,  was  infixed  before  the  final  consonant  of  the 
root  in  its  Low  Grade;  e.  <j.^  I.  E.  *juneg-mi,  *jung- 
mes,  Skt.  yunajmi,  yunjmas;  I.  E.  root  *werg-,  Skt. 
vrnakti,  vrnkte  (mid,).  In  other  cases  -n-  was  in- 
serted before  the  last  consonant  of  the  root,  and  the 
verb  was  then  inflected  in  the  thematic  conjugation; 
e.  </.,  I.  E.  root  *qert-,  Skt.  krntati;  Skt.  yunjati, 
Lat.  iungo;  Skt.  vindati,  Anc.  Pers.  pres.  act.  pple. 
in  vi"da-farnah. 

457.  Class  IV.  C.  Stems  in  -nu-.  Here,  as  in  -na- 
stems,  -n-  was  inserted  before  the  second  syllable  of 
a  dissyllabic  root,  the  ablaut  grades  showing  -neu-, 
-nu-,  -nu-,  -nw-;  e.  r/.,  I.  E.  *str-eu-,  *strneu-mi, 
*strnu-mes,  *strnw-enti,  Skt.  strnomi,  strnumas,  strn- 
vanti,  Grk.  o-Topvu/xt,  o-ro/ain^/xev;   Skt.  akrnavam  (im- 


174  The  Verb.  [457-4^0 

perf.),  Anc.  Pers.  akunavam.  Going  over  to  the 
thematic  conjugation  are  Skt.  rnvati  beside  rnoti, 
cinvati  beside  cinoti;  A  v.  -tanava  <  I.  H  stem 
*tnneu-,  root  *ten-  (cf.  Skt.  tanoti). 

It  is  thus  evident  that  A  and  C  of  this  class  may 
be  regarded  as  special  cases  of  B. 

d.  Stems  in  Sibilants  and  Explosives. 

458.  Class  V.  A.  Stems  in  -s-  or  -so-,  (1)  Without 
Reduplication.  Originally  both  thematic  and  un- 
thematic  verbs  belonged  to  this  group,  but  the  Greek 
kept  the  unthematic  forms  only  in  the  aorist.  The 
Aryan  extended  the  -s-  to  other  forms  than  the  pres- 
ent. The  same  -s-  appeared  in  the  Indo-European 
s-aorist  and  syo-future.  Examples  are:  (unthcm.) 
Anc.  Pers.  niy-apisam  (aor.),  nipistam  (pple.)  from 
pis  <  I.  E.  *peiks;  Skt.  dvesti,  dvisanti,  Av.  daibisanti; 
(them.)  Skt.  uksati,  uksanti,  Grk.  av^w  (cf.  Lat. 
augeo).  (2)  With  Reduplication  are  Skt.  didrksate 
from  root  darg,  vivitsati  from  root  vid. 

459.  Class  V.  B.  Stems  in  -sk(h)o.  The  suiEx 
-sk{h)o-:  -sk(h)e-  was  added  to  the  Low  Grade  of  the 
root.  (1)  Without  Reduplication,  as  I.  E.  *prk- 
sk(h)e-ti,  root  *prek,  Skt.  prcchati,  Av.  p9r9saiti,  Anc. 
Pers.  aparsam  (imperf.),  Lat.  posco  <  *por(c)-sco; 
1.  E.  *gm-sk(h)6,  Skt.  gacchami,  Av.  jasaiti,  Grk. 
/3daKw;  I.  E.  *is-sk(h)e-ti,  Skt.  icchati,  YAv.  isaiti; 
Skt.  rcchati,  Anc.  Pers.  ni-rasatiy  (subj.);  Anc.  Pers. 
xsnasatiy  (subj.),  Grk.  (Epir.)  yvojo-Kw,  Lat.  gnosco. 
(2)  With  Reduplication,  as  Grk.  StSao-Kw  <  *8t-SaK-(rKw, 
Lat.  disco  <  *di-dc-sco. 

460.  Class  V.  C.  Dental  Stems.  The  following 
are  examples:  (1)  With  stem  in  -to-,  I.  E.  *sp(h)l-to-, 


460-461]  The  Veiu!.  175 

Skt.  sphutati  (for  *sphrtati);  Grk.  ttcktw,  Lat.  picto. 
(2)  With  stem  in  -do-,  -dho-,  I.  E.  root  *(s)qer-,  Skt. 
kurdati;  Grk.  aXBofxai  (cf.  Lat.  alo);  Grk.  lASo/iai  <; 
*/r£A8o/Aat,  Lut.  velle;  Lat.  gaudeo  <  *gavideo  (cf. 
Grk.  yatw  <  *ya/:i.w);  I.  E.  root  *yu-,  Skt.  yodhati. 

(a)  It  is  often  difficult  to  determine  whether  the 
orio^inal  form  had  -d-  or  -dh-,  since  in  a  number  of 
the  derived  languages  these  sounds  fell  together 
(163,  168). 

e.  Stems  in  Semivowels. 

The  semivowel  was  followed  by  the  thematic  vowel 
0  :  e. 

461.  Class  VI.  A.  Stems  in  -yo-.  (1)  One  group 
of  these  verbs  had  the  High  Grade  of  root,  bearing 
the  accent;  e.  g.,  I.  E.  *peq-ye-tai,  Skt.  pacyate,  Grk. 
TreWoj;  I.  E.  *ghedh-yo,  Anc.  Pers.  jadiyami  (cf.  Skt. 
haryati,  Grk.  4>d€Lpw^  Acol.  <f>^eppoy  <  *^Otpyw)'^  Anc. 
Pers. -astayam,YAv.  stayamaide.  (2)  Another  gi-oup 
had  the  Low  Grade  of  root  and  the  accent  on  the 
thematic  vowel.  Except  in  Aryan  passive  forma- 
tions, the  verbs  of  this  group  shifted  the  accent  to 
the  root.  So,  Skt.  druhyati,  Anc.  Pers.  adurujiya; 
Skt.  kupyami,  Lat.  cupio. 

(a)  Forms  also  occur  with  reduplication;  e.  </., 
I.  E.  *ti-tn-yo,  Grk.  TiTaiVw;  Skt.  dedigyate. 

(b)  Where  the  stem  shows  -eyo-  it  may  have  been 
formed  of  -e  +  yo-,  or  of  -ey  +  0-,  /.  e.^  ei  of  the 
second  sylla])]e  of  a  dissyllal)ic  heavy  base.  The  re- 
duction of  this  ei  gave  a  gi-ade  in  -i.  -ey-o-  appears 
in  the  Anc.  Pers.  agarb-aya-m,  Skt.  grbhayati;  cf. 
mid.  grhita. 


176  The  Verb.  [461-464 

(c)  To  this  cluss  belong  the  Denominative  verbs 
(477),  and  formations  in  -ya-  were  also  made  from 
verbs  of  other  classes;  (.  _</.,  Skt.  varivrtyate,  cf. 
varvartti  (I.  B.);  snayate,  cf.  snati  (II.). 

462.  Class  VI.  B.  Stems  in  -eyo-.  These  verbs 
were  thematic  and  had  the  High  or  Extended  Grade 
of  the  root  (0,  0;  cf.  93).  They  were  partly  itera- 
tive, e.  (j.^  I.  E.  *pot-ey5,  Skt.  patayami,  Grk.  Troreo/xar^ 
^o/oe'oj  beside  ^e'pw;  partly  causative,  e.  </.,  I.  E.  *tors- 
eyo  (root  *ters-),  Skt.  tarsayami,  Lat.  torreo;  1.  E. 
*s6d-eyo  (root  *sed-),  Skt.  sadayami,  Goth,  satja. 

(a)  On  the  analogy  of  such  forms  as  *pet-e-ti, 
*pot-eye-ti,  this  formation  was  extended  to  all  kinds 
of  presents;  e.  g.,  Skt.  jivayami  from  jivami. 

463.  Class  VI.  C.  Stems  in  -wo-.  An  example  of 
a  stem  made  with  this  suffix  is  seen  in  forms  from 
the  I.  E.  root  *gei,  live,  as  Skt.  jivati,  Av.  jivaiti, 
Anc.  Pers.  jiva  (sul)].),  Lat.  vivo.  To  this  class  be- 
long also  those  presents  with  u-stem  which  were 
transferred  to  the  thematic  conjugation;  e.  g.,  I.  E. 
*tr-we-ti,  Skt.  turvati,  Av.  taurvayeiti  (cf.  Skt. 
tarute). 

7.  The  Ancient  Persian  Present  System. 

The  following  verb  forms  show  the  formation  of 
the  present  in  Ancient  Persian  according  to  the  Indo- 
European  classes  mentioned  above. 

464.  Class  I.  A.  Light  or  INIonosyllabic  Heavy 
Base  Avithout  lleduplication. 

Strong  root  with  High  Grade;  Aveak  root  with  Low 
Grade. 

ah,  Jjc;  jan,  S7nite\  kan,  dig. 


464-465]  'A'liK  Verb.  177 

Act.  Iiul.  Sul)j.  Imv. 

IW's.  S<j.  1.  amiy 

2.  ahy  (=  a''ahiy)  2.  jadiy 

3.  astiy      ?>.  ahatiy  '6.  ka"tuv 

PI.  1,  amahy 

3.  ha"tiy 

Iinperf.  S(j.  1.  aham 

3.  aha 

PL  2.  jata  (iiij.) 

3.  aha" 
Mid. 

Iinjperf.  Sg.  3.  -ajata 
PL  3.  aha"ta 

(a)  The  strong  stem  of  the  singular  is  carried  over 
to  the  1st  person  plural  amahy;  cf.  Skt.  smas. 

(b)  The  3d  pers.  sg.  aha  is  formed  after  the  the- 
matic conjugation;  cf.  YAv,  anhat.     (See  440.  a.) 

(c)  Other  forms  of  jan  are  imperf.  sg.  1  ajanam, 
3.  aja",  and  (with  thematic  vowel)  pi.  3.  -ajana". 

(d)  Of  this  class  also  are  imv.  sg.  2  padiy,  3  patnv, 
Yooi  T^di,  jyrotcct ;  ind.  pres.  sg.  3  aitiy,  imperf.  sg.  1 
-ayam,  root  i,  (jo. 

465.  Class  I.  B.  Light  or  Monosyllabic  Heavy 
Base  with  Reduplication. 

Strong  root  with  High  Grade;  weak  root  with  Low 
Grade. 

^•■i,  lean,'  da.,  jnit/  da,  give/  di,  see. 

Act.  Ind.  Imv. 

Imperf.  Sg.  1.  -a^''arayain        J^res.  Sg. 

2.  didiy  (for  *dididiy) 
3.  adada  3.  dadatuv 

(a)  -a^''ar ayam  for  *-6'a^''ay-  shows  the  simpler  form 
12 


178  TiiK  Verb.  [465-467 

of  reduplicatiou  Avith  dissimilation  through  the  sup- 
pression of  the  initial  consonant  after  the  redupli- 
cating syllable;  cf.  A  v.  ni-sraraya  in  2  sg.  sub],  act. 
instead  of  *-srasray-. 

(b)  The  mid.  imperf.  3  sg.  aistata  (for  *asistata) 
from  sta,  stand ^  has  been  transferred  to  the  thematic 
conjugation  (Class  III.  454),  while  the  act.  imperf. 
forms  -astayam,  -astaya  are  made  according  to  Class 
YI.  A.  1. 

466.  Class  n.  A.  Dissyllabic  Heavy  Base  without 
Reduplication. 

Low  Grade  of  root  +  ay  -f  thematic  a  (I.  E.  -ei-o, 
ei-e). 

grab,  seize. 

Act.  Ind.  Mid.  Ind. 

Imperf.  Sg.  1.      agarbayam 

3.      agarbaya  3.  agarbayata 

PI.  3.      agarbaya" 

Class  in.  A.     Thematic,  without  Reduplication. 

467.  (1)  High  Grade  of  root  +  a  (1.  E.  root  +  0 :  e). 
^ah,  say;  bar,  hear;  gub,  speah;  bu,  he;  xsi,  rule; 

rad,  leave. 

Act.  Ind.  Subj. 

Sg.  2.  ^ahy  (for  *^ahahy) 
-bara 
Pres.  Sg.  3,  ^atiy  (for  3.  bavatiy 

*^ahatiy) 
PL  3.  bara"tiy 
Imperf.  Sg.  1.  abaram 

2.  -rada  (inj. ) 

3.  abara 
PL  3.  abara"  - 


467-469]  TiiK  Verh.  17!) 

Mid.  Ind.  Subj. 

Pre!<.  Sg.  8.  gaubataiy  Sg.  3.  gaubataiy 

Imperf.  Sg.  1.  -axsayaiy 

3,  agaubata 

PL  3,  agauba"ta 

(a)  Other  forms  of  these  verl)s  are:  act.  imperf. 
a^aham,  a^aha;  abavam,  abava,  abava";  subj.  pres. 
barahy,  -barah(i)-;  mid.  imperf.  abara^ta. 

(1))  Of  this  chiss  also  are:  mid.  pret.  -ataxsaiy, 
-ataxsata,  -ataxsa"ta,  root  taxs,  he  active;  act.  imperf. 
-anayam,  -anaya,  mid.  imperf.  anayata,  root  ni,  lead; 
mid.  imperf.  -apatata,  root  pat,  jly;  mid.  imperf. 
ayadaiy,  sul)].  yadataiy,  root  yad,  worship;  act.  im- 
perf. asiyavam,  asiyava,  asiyava",  root  siyu,  go;  act. 
imperf.  -aha"jam,  root  ha"j. 

(c)  See  forms  from  stem  vaina  under  Class  IV.  A. 

(d)  Transferred  to  this  class  from  Class  I.  A.  are 
act.  imperf.  ajana",  root  jan,  smite^  and  mid.  imperf. 
aya"ta,  root  i,  go. 

468*  (2)  Low  Grade  of  root  +  a  (1.  E.  root  +  6  :  e). 
hard,  forsake;   mu^,  flee. 

Act. 
Imperf.  Sg.  3.  -harda  (aharda?    See  Tolnmn  Zex.  70). 
amuda 
469.  Class  IV.  A.     Stems  in  -na-  (I.  E.  -na-). 
Low  Grade  of  root  +  11a. 
di,  injure. 

Act.  Ind. 

Impeif.  Sg.  1.  adinam  (thematic) 
3.  adina 
(a)  Of  this  class,   but  formed  after  the  thematic 


180  The  Veri;.  [469-472 

conjugation,  from  the  present  stem  vaina,  sec,  are 
act.  ind.  pres.  vainamiy,  subj.  vainahy;  ind.  imperf. 
avaina;  mid.  ind.  pres.  vainataiy. 

(b)  Class  IV.  B.  is  represented  in  Ancient  Persian 
by  the  pres.  act.  pple.  appearing  only  in  the  tirst 
element  of  the  compound  proper  name  vi"da-farnah. 

470.  Class  IV.  C.     Stems  in  -nu-. 

Low  Grade  of  root  +  ^^^-  •  ^u-  (I.  E.  root  + 
neu- :  nu-). 


kar,  do. 

Act. 

Ind. 

Mid.            Ind. 

Fres.  S(j.  3. 

Imperf.  Sg.  1. 

3. 

Fl.  3. 

kunautiy 
akunavam 
akunaus  (432) 
akunava'' 

3.  akunava"ta 

(a)  akunava"  and  akunava"ta  show  the  strong  form 
of  the  stem  carried  over  to  the  plural. 

(b)  With  -aya-  of  Class  VI.  B.  is  the  mid.  ind. 
imperf.  akunavaya"ta. 

(c)  Here  also  belongs  adarsnaus  (432)  act.  imperf. 
of  dars,  da7'e.  Of  this  class,  but  with  thematic  in- 
flection, are  mid.  subj.  varnavataiy,  imv.  varnavatam, 
from  root  var,  choose. 

471.  Class  V.  A.     Stems  in  -s-. 
Eoot  -f  s-  (I.  E.  -S-). 

pis,  write. 

Act.  Ind. 

Irri'perf.  Sg.  1.  -apisam. 

472.  Class  V.  B.     Stems  in  -sa-  (Inchoative). 
Hoot  -f  sa-  (I.  E.  -sk(h)o-). 

$rai]i,  fear ;  ir&s,  e.''(ii/iinc;  jsim,  reach. 


472-474]  TiiK  ^'I:u^..  ISI 

Act.  Incl.  Sul)j. 

Sg.  2.  -parsahy 
Pres.  Sg.  3.  tarsatiy  o.  -parsatiy 

Iinpcrf.  ^g.  1.  tarsam  (iiij.)>  aparsam 
3.  atarsa 
PI.  3.  atarsa" 
Mid. 
Imj^erf.  Sg.  3.  -ayasata 

(On  consonant  changes  see  164,  173,  157.  d). 
(a)  Of  this  class  are  act.  subj.  xsnasahy,  xsnasatiy, 
from  root  xsna,  hnota;  imperf .  arasam  from  root  at,  go. 

473.  Class  VI.  A.     Stems  in  -ya-. 

(1)  High  Grade  of  root  +  7^-  (I-  E.  -yo-:-ye-). 
jad,  p/Y/g:  ^a.,  j)}'ot'ct /  man,  th?'?il\    Denominative 

stems  avahya,  ask  aid:  draujiya,  inal'e  a,  lie. 

Act.             Ind.  :\Iid.                Ind. 

Pres.  Sg.  1.  jadiyamiy  Pres.  Sg.  1.  -avahyaiy 

Subj.  Subj. 

Pres.  Sg.  2.  draujiyahy  Pres.  Sg.  2.  maniyahay 

Imv.  3.  maniyataiy 
Sg.  2.  -payauva 

(2)  Low  Grade  of  root  +  ya-  (I.  E.  -yo- :  -ye-), 
duruj,  lir/  mar,  die. 

Act.  Ind.  Mid.  Ind. 

Imperf.  Sg.  3.  adurujiya     Imperf.  Sg.  3.  amariyata 

(a)  "With  -s-  of  the  sigmatic  aorist  is  the  act.  ind. 
imperf.  adurujiyasa"  (432). 

474.  Class  VI.  B.     Stems  in  -aya-. 

(1)  Low  Grade  of  root  -f  aya-  (I.  E.  -eyo- :  -eye-). 
tar,  cross;  ^a"d,  seem. 


182  TuK  YhAiu.  [474-476 

Act.  Ind.  Subj. 

Imperf.  Sy.  1.  -atarayam        Pres.  Sg.  3.  0adaya  (?) 
3.  ^adaya  (inj.) 
PI.  1.  -atarayama 

(a)  From  Class  IV.  C.  is  the  mid.  imperf.  akuna- 
vaya"ta,  from  root  kar,  do. 

(2)  Extended  Grade  of  root  +  aya-  (I.  E.  -eyo- : 
-eye-). 

Causative  and  Iterative. 

dar,  hold;  gud,  conceal;  had,  sit. 

Act.  Ind.                Act.               Subj. 

Pres.  Sg.  1.  darayamiy      Pres.  Sg.  2.  -gaudayahy 

Imj>erf.  Sg.  1.  -asadayam 

2.  -gaudaya  (inj.) 

3.  adaraya 
Mid. 

Imperf.  Sg.  1.  -adarayaiy 

(a)  Here  belong  also  act.  imperf.  amanaya  (beside 
amaniya,  cf.  Class  VI.  A.  1),  from  root  man,  await; 
act.  imperf.  anasaya,  from  root  nas,  injure;  act.  im- 
perf. -aisayam,  -aisaya,  from  root  is,  send. 

475.  Class  VI.  C.     Stems  in  -v-. 

Root  +  V  +  thematic  a-  (I.  E.  -w  +  0-  •  e-)- 
ji,  live. 

Act.  Sul)j.  Pres.  Sg.  2  jiva  (=jiva-(h),  secondary 
ending). 

Subj.  Fut.  Sg.  3.  jivahya  (?)     (Jackson;  see  484.) 

8.  Derivative  Verbs. 

476.  Certain  of  the  class  signs  mentioned  above 
came  to  be  used  either  to  make  secondary  formations 


476-478]  TiiK  Verb.  18:J 

or  to  iudicate  some  peculiarity  of  meaning.  Such 
were  the  use  of  I.  E.  -yo-,  -ye-  of  Class  VI.  A.  in 
forming  verljs  from  nouns,  and  the  use  of  I.  E.  -eyo-, 
-eye-  of  Class  VI.  B.  to  give  a  verb  an  iterative  or 
causative  force. 

477.  Denominative  Verbs.  The  I.  E,  -yo-  :  -ye-, 
Ar.  -ya-,  of  Class  VI.  A.  2,  appears  in  such  verbs  as 
Skt.  bhisajyati,  he  heals^  from  bhisaj,  ^^A^/«^*(?^(7;?/ 
adhvaryati,  he  offers^  from  adhvaras,  offeiing;  Grk. 
Kopv(T(T<i>  ^^  '^Kopv6i/w^  furnish  with  a  helmet^  from  Kopvs^ 

helmet,'   dyytXXo)  <  *dyyeA.^w,  atmOUnce,  from  ayyeXos, 

me^tsengrr;  Lat,  custodio,  (juard,  from  custos,  a  guard; 
finio,  end^  from  finis,  an  end. 

Such  also  are  Anc.  Pers.  avahya  in  patiy-avahyaiy, 
I  allied  for  htJp^  from  *avah,  /u//>,  Skt.  avas  (cf. 
Skt.  avasya);  and  [draujjiyahy,  {lest)  he  thinh  it 
false ^  from  *drauja,  lie.  T\"ackernagel  reads  patiy- 
ava"hyaiy  in  Bh.  1.  55,  following  the  Elam.  pat-ti- 
ya-man-ya-a,  and  would  make  the  form  a  future — a 
sense  not  suited  to  the  passage. 

478.  Iterative  and  Causative  Verbs.  As  has  been 
stated  a])ove  (361),  one  of  the  pm-poses  served  by  re- 
duplication was  to  suggest  the  repetition  of  an  act. 
Hence  reduplicated  forms  are  often  found  as  iter- 
atives  in  the  Indo-European  languages,  but  usually 
distinguished  from  the  verbs  of  the  reduplicating 
class  by  a  heavy  reduplication;  e.  </.,  Skt.  veviditi, 
fi'om  root  vid,  I: now.  But  verbs  with  stem  in  -eyo- : 
-eye-  (Class  VI.  B.)  were  sometimes  iterative,  as  I.  E. 
*wogb-eye-ti,  he  goes  to  and  fro  .^  from  root  *wegh,  go^ 
Grk.  olx^ofiai-^  Grk.  cf>op£0)  beside  <^£/3w;  often  causative, 
as  I.  E.  *pot-eye-ti,  he  makes  to  fly.,  beside  *peteti,  he 
flies,  also  *pot-eye-ti,  Jie  flutters  (iter.),  Skt.  patayati, 


184  The  Verb.  [478-479 

patati,  patayati;  Grk.  Tpo-n-ioi  beside  rpiiroi-^  Lat.  moneo 
beside  memini. 

So  the  Ancient  Persian  has  darayamiy,  /  hold^ 
from  root  dar,  Skt.  dharayati,  A  v.  darayeiti;  iniperf. 
act.  adaraya;  also  from  stQ.,stand^  imperf.  act.  avas- 
tayam,  niyastayam,  niyastaya. 

(a)  From  the  root  man,  mrait^  in  Bh.  2.  28  occurs 
amaniya,  perhaps  through  a  mistake  of  the  stone- 
cutter in  writing  i  before  y;  elsewhere  regularly 
amanaya. 

(b)  In  NRb.  6  we  seem  to  have  in  niyasaya,  he 
caused  [tJie  symhol  of  sovereignty^  to  extend  (?),  a 
causative  made  as  a  secondary  formation  on  the 
present  stem  yasa. 

9.  Passive  Formations. 

479.  In  the  Indo-European  period  the  middle  voice 
had  already  developed  passive  meanings,  probably 
from  such  a  use  of  the  perfect  middle,  which  indi- 
cated the  result  produced  by  an  action  completed 
(359'  3).  In  the  Aryan  languages  special  passive 
forms  w^ere  made  by  the  use  of  -ya-  of  Class  VI. 
A.  2.  This  was  added  to  the  Low  Grade  of  the  root, 
and  the  middle  endings  were  used.  (For  3d  sg.  aor. 
pass,  with  ending  -i,  see  489.)  Since  other  forma- 
tions (as  Denominatives  mentioned  above,  477)  were 
made  by  the  use  of  this  element,  it  is  evident  that 
the  addition  of  -ya-  in  forming  a  stem  did  not  in 
itself  make  a  passive,  ])at  probably  the  fact  that 
some  verb  or  verbs  having  the  stem  in  -ya-  had  also 
a  passive  signification  led  to  the  formation  of  other 
passives  in  this  way,  as,  for  example,  the  Greek 
aorist  in  -17V  was  originally  active  with  intransitive 


479-482]  Tin;  \'i;ki!.  1,S5 

meaiiiu<j:,  then  was  reofiirded  as  passive  and  Ijecame 
a  model  for  the  formation  of  aorists  passive  in  gen- 
eral. Examples  of  the  passive  arc:  Skt.  dr^yate,  In 
Is  scen^  root  dar^;  badhyate,  he  is  loiind^  root  bandh; 
Anc.  Pers.  akariya"ta,  they  were  tnade,  root  kar; 
^ahyamahy  (act.  endinir),  u^e  are  called^  root  ^ah. 

(a)  In  Bh.  1.  20  we  may  read  ava  akunavaya"ta 
(mid.),  this  they  did;  or,  perhaps,  ava  akunavayata 
(pass.),  this  was  doue.  In  the  same  line  a^ahya 
imperf.  maj  be  read  a^ahy,  aor.  (489). 

10.  a.  The  Future. 

480.  It  seems  that  the  Indo-Em-opean  had  no  form 
that  was  used  exclusively  as  a  future.  Hence  various 
methods  of  expressing  the  future  idea  appear  in  the 
derived  languages.  Very  common  is  the  formation 
with  a  sibilant  corresponding  to  the  s-class  of  verbs 
(Class  V.  A.).  This  was  properly  the  subjunctive 
of  the  s-aorist.  It  is  illustrated  in  Skt.  bhusati, 
sakse,  Grk.  Set'^w,  Xet'i/^w,  oAc'w  for  *oAccra),  Eat.  dixo, 
faxo. 

481.  An  extension  of  this  formation  was  made  by 
the  addition  of  -yo- :  -ye-,  as  in  verbs  of  Class  VI.  A. 
This  syo-future  survives  in  Aryan  and  Eithuanian. 
It  was  made  usually  on  the  High  or  Extended  Grade 
of  the  root  and  was  inflected  like  a  present  of  the 
thematic  conjugation;  c.  //.,  I.  E.  *do-sye-ti,  *do-syo- 
nti  from  *d6,  (jive^  Skt.  dasyati,  dasyanti,  Eith.  busiu, 
Av.  busyant  (pple.). 

482.  The  use  of  a  present  for  a  future  is  seen  in 
Grk.  ctyMi,  v€o/i,at;  and  the  sul)junctive  on  the  Root 
Aorist  stem  (486)  with  like  meaning  in  Tn'o/xat,  x^'w. 
So  also  Eat.  ero  <  I.  E.  *eso,  Grk.  Ilom.  cw,  Att.  w. 


18C  The  VKiin.  [483-487 

483.  To  these  there  was  added  the  Periphrastic 
Future,  formed  of  a  nome7i  agentis  and  the  verb 
meaning  he;  as,  Skt.  root  da,  give^  datr,  giver ^  future 
datasmi,  datasmas. 

484.  Ancient  Persian  Future.  Of  the  future  for- 
mations mentioned  above,  the  Ancient  Persian  shows 
the  periphrastic  future  in  jata  biya,  may  he  he  {thy) 
slayer^  and  an  example  of  the  syo-future  may  be 
preserved  in  jivahya,  3d  sg.  subj.  (Jackson);  cf. 
Ved.  karisyas. 

b.  The  Aorist. 

485.  The  Indo-European  had  two  kinds  of  aorist: 
the  Koot  Aorist,  which  in  its  inflection  added  sec- 
ondary endings  to  the  root  with  or  without  augment, 
and  the  s-Aorist,  which  formed  a  stem  by  adding 
-s  to  the  root.  Whatever  differences  of  signification 
originally  existed  between  these  two  aorists  must 
have  been  lost  in  the  Indo-European  period,  since 
the  derived  languages  show  :po  distinction  of  use  or 
meaning. 

486.  Root  Aorist.  The  Root  Aorist  with  Light  or 
Monosyllabic  Heavy  Base  is  related  to  the  present 
system  (cf.  358);  e.  g.^  I.  E.  *liqe-,  Grk.  tXnrov,  I.  E. 
*e-we-wqom,  Skt.  avocam  <  *a-va-ucam;  Grk.  Hom. 
etTTov;  I.  E.  *dhet,  *edhet,  *dh9te,  root  *dhe,  jxd^  Skt. 
dhat,  adhat,  adhati  (mid.),  GAv.  dat,  Anc.  Pers.  ada, 
Grk.  *€^77,  e^e/i.€v;  I.  E.  *stat,  *estat,  *st9te,  root  sta, 
stand,  Skt.  asthat,  asthita  (mid. ),  Grk.  ^a-rr},  lo-rj^/xev, 

for  iaTa/xev. 

487.  With  Dissyllabic  Hea^y  Base  this  aorist  corre- 
sponds to  the  presents  of  Class  IT.  A. ;  e.  (7.,  I.  E.  base 
*bhewa,  *ebhfxt,  Skt.  abhut,  Grk.  €<^w;  I.  E.  base 
*geno,  *gn6m,  ''^gnome,  Grk.  eyvwv^  lyvw/xev. 


488-490 1  Thk   \'i:iu:.  1S7 

488.  Tlic  s-Aorist.  The  Signiatic  Aoiist  coire- 
spouded  to  the  unthematic  presents  of  Class  V.  A., 
havino^  the  same  rehitiou  to  them  as  the  Root  Aorist 
to  the  presents  of  Class  I.  A.  The  s-Aorist  is  found 
in  the  Aryan  group,  the  Greek,  and  the  Slavonic; 
also  in  certain  forms  of  the  I^atin,  as  in  the  perfect 
indicative  and  in  futures  (=  subj.  of  s-aorist).  This 
aorist,  when  made  from  light  bases,  had  Extended 
Grade  of  the  root  in  the  singular  of  the  indica- 
tive active,  elsewhere  Low  Grade,  but  in  Sanskrit 
a  leveling  of  forms  carried  the  Extended  Grade  over 
to  the  dual  and  plural  also;  e.  </.,  I.  E.  root  *wegh, 
cY( /'/•//,  Skt,  avaksam,  avaksva,  avaksma;  so  also  Lat. 
vexi,  veximus.  But  in  Greek  a  diphthong  of  the 
root  was  made  short  in  the  singular  as  in  the  dual 
and  the  plural;  e.  (/.,  I.  E.  root  *leiq,  Icove,  Skt. 
araiksam,  Grk.  cA.cii/'a;  and  even  Monosyllabic  Heavy 
Bases  shortened  a  long  diphthong  in  all  numbers,  as 
I.  E.  root  *deik,  *dik,  s/unv,  Grk.  eSu^a^  Ihu^a^icv.  In 
its  use  of  Dissyllabic  Heavy  Bases  this  aorist  re- 
sembles the  presents  of  Class  H.  A.;  as,  I.  E.  base 
*geno,  *gene,  k^unr,  Skt.  ajnasam,  Grk.  dviyvcjo-a. 

489.  Aorist  Passive.  Peculiar  to  the  Aryan  lan- 
guages is  an  aorist  passive,  3d  pers,  sg.,  formed  by 
adding  -i  to  the  root  in  High  (sometimes  Extended) 
Grade,  with  or  without  augment;  e.  g.,  Skt.  avaci, 
he  ^cas  adled^  Av.  avaci;  Skt.  adhari,  Jie  ivas  held, 
Anc.  Pers.  adariy. 

490.  Aorists  of  Ancient  Persian.  The  Ancient 
Persian  preserves  examples  of  the  Root  Aorist  in 
ada  (<  I.  E.  *edhet),  akuma,  and  akuta.  The  s- 
Aorist  occurs  in  ais'',-aisa",  from  root  i,  (j<>^  adarsiy 
(or  adarsaiy,  with  thematic  vowel)  from  root  dar, 


188  The  Verb.  [490-493 

hold^  and  -apisam  from  root  pis,  'H'r'de.  From  dar, 
hold^  is  also  tlie  Aorist  Passive,  3(1  pers.  sg.  adariy, 
and  from  kan,  dig^  is  akaniy. 

c.  The  Perfect. 

491.  The  Indo-European  Perfect  was  distinguished 
from  other  tense  formations  by  the  endings  of  the 
singular  of  the  indicative  active,  by  its  very  common 
use  of  reduplication,  by  its  difference  of  ablaut  grade 
between  the  active  singular  and  other  forms,  and  by 
its  special  participle  formation. 

The    personal    endings    have    been    given    al)ove 

(385ff.). 

492.  The  perfect  appeared  sometimes  without  re- 
duplication, as  in  I.  E.  *woide,  *widme,  Skt.  veda, 
vidma;  or  commonly  with  reduplication,  as  from 
I.  E.  root  *gen,  produce,  Skt.  jajana,  jajnur,  Grk. 
ye'yove,  ye'ya/tev.  Where  forms  without  reduplication 
occur  it  is  not  likely  that  reduplication  has  been 
dropped,  but  the  numerous  examples  of  such  forms 
in  Latin  and  the  Germanic  languages,  as  well  as  the 
occasional  instances  in  Sansla-it  and  Greek,  indicate 
a  somewhat  extended  use  of  the  perfect  without  re- 
duplication in  Indo-European. 

493.  The  vowel  of  the  reduplicating  syllable  was 
e  or  e  (361  end),  the  latter  of  which  is  preserved 
only  in  Aryan,  a  beside  a.  That  e  was  regularly  the 
vowel  of  the  reduplicating  sjdlable  is  shown  by  the 
Grk.  SeSopKtt,  Skt.  dadarga,  Lat.  cecidi,  dedi,  Old  Lat. 
memordi,  pepugi.  Variations  from  this  rule  were 
new  formations,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Aryan  assim- 
ilation of  the  vowel  of  the  reduplicating  syllal^le  to 
the  vowel  of  the  root  where  the  Indo-pjuropean  had 


493-499]  Thk  Vkui!.  181) 

oi :  i  or  ou:u;  c.  </.,  Skt.  rireca,  riricima,  juhava, 
juhuvus;  uiul  in  Classical  Latin  occurred  a  like  as- 
similation when  the  present  and  perfect  had  the  same 
vowel,  c.  r/.,  momordi,  pupugi. 

494.  The  perfect  following  the  unthematic  conju- 
gation had  in  the  active  singular  the  acceat  on  the 
root,  and  therefore  High  Grade  of  the  root,  in  all 
other  forms  the  accent  on  the  ending  and  Low  Grade 
of  the  root.  When  the  root  vowel  was  of  the  e- 
series  it  appeared  in  the  active  singular  as  0;  c.  y.^ 
L  E.  *woida,  *widme,  I'lunr^  Skt.  veda,  vidma,  Grk. 
oiSa,  tcr/xev  (=  tS/icv),  Goth.  walt,  witum;  I.  E.  *weworta, 
*wewrtme,  fur))^  Skt.  vavarta,  vavrtima. 

495.  The  Indo-European  Perfect  Participle  Active 
was  formed  by  the  use  of  two  suffixes,  for  some  cases 
-wes-  with  ablaut  gi-ades,  -wes-,  -wos-,  -us-,  and  for 
other  cases  -wet-,  -wot-. 

496.  The  Ancient  Persian  Perfect.  The  Perfect 
Active  occurs  in  Ancient  Persian  in  the  3d  pers.  sg. 
opt.  caxriya,  from  root  kar,  do.  (For  reduplication 
see  363;  for  -x-,  146;  for  the  ablaut  grade,  502.) 

11.  a.  The  Subjunctive. 

497.  The  Indo-European  Subjunctive  survived  in 
the  Vedic  dialect  of  Sanskrit,  in  Greek,  and  in  a 
numljer  of  forms  of  Latin.  The  usurpation  of  sub- 
junctive functions  by  the  optative  in  Classical  San- 
skrit, in  the  Germanic  and  Balto-Slavonic  gi'oups, 
and  the  confusion  of  subjunctive  and  optative  forms 
in  Latin,  have  been  mentioned  above  (357). 

498.  The  endings  of  the  sul)junctive  were  partly 
primary,  partly  secondary  (365). 

499.  The  subjunctive    of    unthematic    ver))s    was 


190  The  \'eri!.  [499-501 

made  on  a  stem  formed  ])y  the  addition  of  e  :  o  to 
the  High  Grade  of  the  root,  and  thus  became  iden- 
tical in  form  with  the  indicative  of  thematic  verbs. 
And,  like  these  verbs,  it  had  the  1st  pers.  sg.  in  -6 ; 
e.  g.,  1.  E.  *es6,  Skt.  asa(ni),  Grk.  Hom.  cw,  I^at.  ero; 
I.  E.  *eset(i),  Skt.  asat(i),  Av.  anhaiti,  Anc.  Pers. 
ahatiy,  Lat.  erit;  I.  E.  *eyomo(s),  Skt.  ayama,  Grk. 
Horn,  lofxev.  (Cf.  ind.  I.  E.  *esmi,  *esti,  *imos,  Skt. 
asmi,  asti,  imas,  etc. ) 

500.  Thematic  verbs  had  in  the  subjunctive  a  long 
vowel  where  the  indicative  used  the  thematic  vowel 
e  :  0.  Whether  both  -e-  and  -0-  belonged  to  the  Indo- 
European  sulijunctive  formation  is  not  certain,  for 
the  Greek  ^,  w  may  be  on  the  analogy  of  e,  o  of  the 
indicative,  and  the  Aryan  a.  may  represent  either 
vowel  (as  well  as  a)  of  the  parent  language.  The 
Latin  has  for  all  persons  sometimes  -a-,  sometimes 
-e-  (but  fut.  ind.  1st  pers.  sg.  -a-),  and  the  Keltic  and 
Slavonic  languages  have  -a-.  The  long  vowel  may 
have  come  into  general  use  on  the  analogy  of  forms 
made  on  dissyllabic  heavy  bases  ending  in  -e  or  -a. 
Examples  with  -e-  (-6-  ?)  are  Skt.  bharati,  bharama, 
Anc.  Pers.  -barahy,  A  v.  barat,  Grk.  (jiepw/xei',  (f>ipr]Te^ 
Lat.  feres,  feremus;  and  with  -a-  are  Latin  forms 
like  feras,  feramus.  In  some  instances  the  long 
vowel  appearing  in  the  su))junctive  belonged  also  to 
the  indicative,  either  remaining  constant  through 
the  indicative  forms  or  occurring  in  the  singular 
active  only.  So  in  Sanskrit,  from  aprat,  sulij.  pras, 
and  from  adhat,  subj.  dhati. 

501.  The  Ancient  Persian  Subjunctive.  In  the 
formation  of  the  subjunctive  the  Ancient  Persian 
follows  the  Indo-European,  adding  -a-  (I.  E.  -e- ;  -o-) 


501-502]  Tiiio  Vkum.  191 

to  the  High  Gnidc  root  of  an  uiitheiimtic  verl),  using 
-a-  (I.  E.  long  vowel)  for  theinjitic  verbs;  e.  </., 
(unthcmatic)  ahy  for  *ahahiy,  2  .sg.  act.;  ahatiy, 
3  sg.  act.;  (tkcniatic)  -barahy,  6ahy  for  *^ahaliy,  2 
sg.  act. ,  bavatiy  3  sg.  act. ;  maniyahay,  2  sg.  mid. ; 
maniyataiy  3  sg.  mid.  Willi  sccondai-y  endings  are 
-bara,  jiva,  2  sg.  act.,  and  perhaps  ^adaya  3  sg.  act. 
(430,  440). 

b.  The  Optative. 

502.  The  Indo-European  Optative  was  marked  by 
an  clement  that  appeared  iv  its  ablaut  grades  as 
-ye-,  -iye-,  -i-.  For  unthematic  verbs  -(i)ye-  was  used 
in  the  active  singular,  elsewhere  -(i)y-  before  an  end- 
ing beginning  with  a  vowel,  -i-  before  an  ending  be- 
ginning with  a  consonant.  For  thematic  verbs  -i- 
was  added  after  the  thematic  vowel  (0),  giving  the 
diphthong  -oi-  before  a  consonant  of  the  ending  and 
-oy-  before  a  vowel.  The  endings  were  secondary. 
Since  in  the  active  singular  of  unthematic  verbs  the 
accent  rested  on  the  -ye-,  and  in  all  other  forms  on 
the  ending,  the  Low  Grade  of  the  root  was  used 
always.  But  from  the  earliest  period  the  Sanskrit 
shows  a  leveling  of  -ya-  to  other  forms  than  the 
active  singular,  and  in  like  manner  from  the  time 
of  Homer  the  Greek  -1V7-  appears  in  the  dual  and 
plural  as  well  as  in  the  singular,  while  classical  Latin 
took  over  the  -i-  of  the  plural  into  the  singular 
forms. 

(a)  Examples  of  the  optative  of  unthematic  verbs 
are:  I.  PI  *s(i)yem,  *s(i)yet,  *site,  Skt.  syam,  syat, 
syate,  Av.  hyam,  hyat,  Grk.  ct;?i',  et?;,  cTre,  eiT^re,  Old 
Lat.  siem,  siet,  sitis,  Class.  I^at.  sim,  sis,  sit,  sitis. 


192  The  Verb.  [502-504 

(b)  Examples  of  the  optative  of  thematic  indica- 
tive stems  are:  I.  E.  *bheroym,  *bheroit,  *bheroite, 
Skt.    bhareyam,   bharet,   bhareta,  A  v.    baroit,   Gik. 

^eyDOt/xi    (instead   of    *^ep(J>    <    *<^e/30ya),    ^e'poi,    cj>epoLT€. 

So  the  middle,  I.   E.   *bheroito,  Skt.   bhareta,  Av. 
yazaeta,  Grk.  cjiipono. 

503.  The  Ancient  Persian  Optative.  Made  after 
the  un thematic  conjugation  are  Ancient  Persian  op- 
tative forms  in  -ya-  (I.  E.  -ye-),  as  -jamiya  (66.  2), 
3d  sg.  act.  (<  I.  E.  *gminyet,  cf.  Skt.  gamyat), 
caxriya,  3d  sg.  act.  perf.  The  2d  sg.,  biya,  and  3d 
sg.,  biya,  from  bu,  Ic,  represent  I.  E.  *bhwiyes, 
*bhwiyet  (126).  If  vina^ayais  is  to  he  read  in  Dar. 
NRb.  20  (so  Tolman),  we  have  in  it  an  example  of 
the  2d  sg.  optative  of  the  thematic  conjugation. 

c.  The  Injunctive. 

504.  In  a  previous  section  (357)  reference  has  been 
made  to  the  Indo-European  Injunctive,  which  in  its 
formation  resembles  an  augmentless  indicative  with 
secondary  personal  endings.  It  was  used  sometimes 
as  indicative  imperfect  or  present,  particularly  as 
present  unaccented  following  an  adverb.  Sometimes 
it  had  a  future  or  voluntative  force.  It  was  with 
this  meaning  that  the  second  and  third  persons  (ex- 
cept the  2d  sg.  act.)  came  to  be  an  integral  part  of 
the  imperative  either  in  positive  commands  or,  with 
I.  E.  *me,  in  prohibitions;  e.  </.,  Skt.  bharata,  Grk. 
<ji€p€T€ ;  Skt.  sta,  Grk.  ecrre^  Lat.  este ;  Grk.  cttco,  Lat. 
sequere.  And  in  Sanskrit  and  Primitive  Greek  the 
second  person  singular  active  also,  from  the  aorist 
stem,  was  used  as  imperative;  e.  g.,  Skt.  dhas,  das, 
Grk.  o-xe's.      The  prohibition  expressed  by  *me  and 


504  5o8J  Tin;  N'kuii.  ll):j 

the  injunctive  is  paralleled  in  tlie  Greek  use  of  /xr; 
with  the  aorist  subjunctive,  as  m  Sei'^jjs,  or  the  Latin 
ne  Avith  the  aorist  optative,  as  ne  faxis,  ne  feceris. 

505.  The  Ancient  Persian  Injunctive.  Injunctive 
forms  occur  in  Ancient  Persian  in  the  three  persons 
of  the  singular  and  the  second  person  plural;  as  ma 
tarsam,  i/k/}/  I  not  fear;  ma  avarada,  leave  thou  not; 
ma  apagaudaya,  conceal  tJiou  not;  ma  ^adaya,  let  it 
not  i<eem;  paraita,  go  ye;  ja"ta,  smite  ye. 

d.  The  Intinitive. 

506.  What  we  call  the  Intinitives  of  the  Indo-Euro- 
pean languages  were  originally  case  forms  of  nondna 
actionis.,  used  like  any  other  nouns  in  case  relation 
with  other  parts  of  the  sentence.  Later  this  case 
relation  was  less  strongly  felt,  and  at  length,  having 
become  stereotA^ped  forms,  in  some  of  the  derived 
languages,  as  Greek  and  Latin,  they  came  to  be  as- 
sociated with  the  verbal  system.  In  the  Aryan 
group,  the  Old  Germanic,  and  the  Balto-Slavonic, 
the  infinitives  preserve  best  their  force  as  nonmia 
action /s. 

507.  Two  causes  contributed  to  the  large  number 
of  intinitive  forms  in  the  derived  languages:  the 
variety  of  cases  used,  and  the  variety  of  classes  of 
nomina  actionis.  As  nouns  these  forms  w^ere  neither 
active  nor  middle,  the  distinction  of  voice  being  a 
late  development. 

508.  The  Vedic  dialect  of  the  Sanskrit  had  infin- 
itives ending  in  -am,  -e,  -tum,  -tave,  -mane,  -vane, 
-sani,  but  of  these  the  Classical  Sanskrit  preserved 
only  that  in  -tum,  which  is  the  same  as  the  Latin 
supine;  so,  Skt.  datum,  Lat.  datum;  Skt.  etum,  Lat. 

13 


194  The  Verb.  [508-512 

itum — an  accusative  case  of  the  nomen  actlonis.  The 
dative  of  an  n-stem  is  represented  in  Vedic  vidmane, 

Grk.  iS/utVai;   yvoivat,  or^vat  (perhaps  for    -/Avai  :    -fxtvai)^ 

and  Lat.  imperative  legimini.  Datives  also  are  s- 
aorist  infinitives,  as  Skt.  stuse,  Grk.  SeT^at,  and  pos- 
sibly the  Latin  passive  infinitive  in  -i.  Such  forms 
as  the  Grk.  iS/acv,  hoix^v^  O^fxev^  show  the  locative  with- 
out ending  of  an  n-stem  (253).  In  the  Lat.  regere 
(<  *regese)  is  the  locative  singular  of  an  s-stem  (cf. 
genera  from  genus). 

509.  The  Ancient  Persian  Infinitive.  In  Ancient 
Persian  the  infinitives  are  datives  of  n-stems;  e.  ^., 
ka"tanaiy,  root  kan;  cartanaiy,  root  kar;  ^astanaiy 
(6'a"stanaiy),  root  ^ah.  This  suffix  -tanaiy  survives 
in  Modern  Persian  -tan  (-dan). 

e.  The  Participle. 

510.  The  Middle  Participle.  The  Middle-Passive 
Participle  in  Indo-European  was  made  with  the  suffix 
-meno-,  other  ablaut  grades  of  which  were  -mono-, 
-mno-;  so,  Grk.  (I^epofxtvo^  (probal)ly  Lat.  ferimini), 
Skt.  bodhamanas  (1.  E.  -mono-),  Grk.  ardfjivos,  Lat. 
alumnus  (I.  E.  -mno-). 

511.  This  participial  form  is  probably  to  be  rec- 
ognized in  the  Anc.  Pers.  jiyamna  (or  jiyamana), 
waning,  gronrlng  old,  used  as  a  substantive,  comple- 
tion, in  Bh.  2.  62.     (See  Tolman  Le,r.  90.) 

512.  The  Participle  in  -to-.  All  the  Indo-European 
languages  have  preserved  the  Participle  or  Verbal 
Adjective  which  was  originally  formed  by  the  addi- 
tion of  the  -to-  suffix  to  the  Low  Grade  of  the  root. 
It  was  regularly  passive  when  made  from  transitive 
verl)s,  yet  the  passive  meaning  did  not  always  ac- 


512-514 1  Tin:  Latk  Insckii'tions.  19o 

conipjiiiN'  this  suffix,  and  sncli  forms  ■were  made  as 
well  from  intransitive  verbs;  e.  g.^  I,  E.  *gm-to-s,  root 
*gem,  (ji>,  Ski.  gatas,  Grk.  -jiaros^  Lat.  ventus. 

513.  The  -to-  Participle  in  Ancient  Persian.  The 
I.  E.  -to-  suffix  appears  in  forms  in  -ta-  of  the  Ancient 
Persian;  e.  r/. ,  Anc.  Pers,  basta,  root  ba"d,  bind^ 
I.  E.  *bh9dhto-,  Skt.  baddha,  YAv.  basta.  The 
suffix  is  added  to  a  dissyllabic  base  in  agarbita  (Skt. 
grbhita,  grhita).  From  the  root  gam  we  have  the 
participle  in  -ata,  as  paragmata,  ha"gmata. 

(a)  Other  examples  of  this  participle  in  Ancient 
Persian  are:  paraita,  root  i,  (jo;  karta,  root  kar, 
iiiahc;  avajata,  root  jan,  smite;  fratarta,  root  tar, 
cross;  dita,  root  di,  deprive;  duruxta,  root  duruj, 
deceive;  pata,  root  pa,  ])rotecf;  parabarta,  root  bar, 
hear;  amata,  root  ma,  measure.  (For  avaharta  see 
Tolman  Lex.  TO.) 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
The  Late  Inscriptions. 

514.  The  inscriptions  from  which  comes  our 
knowledge  of  the  Ancient  Persian  belong  almost  en- 
tirely to  the  period  of  Darius  1.  and  his  son  Xerxes 
(521—155  B.C.).  No  specimen  of  the  language  is 
found  from  an  earlier  time,  unless  indeed  the  jNIur- 
ghab  inscription  is  to  be  assigned  to  Cyrus  the  Great 
(52),  and  much  of  what  we  have  from  a  period  later 
than  Xerxes,  particularly  from  the  reigns  of  Arta- 
xerxes  11.  and  Artaxerxes  III.,  shows  a  corruption 
of  forms  and  an  irregularity  of  construction  which 


196  The  Latk   LxscuirTiONS.  [514 

not  merely  mark  the  decline  of  the  lanofuage,  but 
indicate  that  those  who  did  the  work  of  writing  had 
but  a  meager  acquaintance  with  the  language  which 
they  wrote. 

(a)  The  following  irregularities  in  the  use  of  cases 
are  observed: 

Norn,  as  gen.: 

artaxsa^''a,  Art.  Pers.  a.  12,  11-15;  }>.  1(5,  ll»-20. 

arsama,  Art.  Pers.  a.  20;  b.  26. 

xsaya%a,  Art.  Pers.  a.  12-13,  14,  15,  1(3,  17-18; 
b.  16-17,  18,  20,  21-22,  23. 

xsayarsa,  Art.  Pers.  a.  16;  b.  21. 

darayavaus,  Art.  Pers.  a.  13-14,  17;  b.  18,  22-23. 
Nom.  as  ace. : 

artaxsa^''a,  Art.  Pers.  a.  5;  b.  7. 

xsaya^iya,  Art.  Pers.  a.  5-6;  b.  7-8. 
Gen.  as  nom.: 

artaxsa^'ahya,  Art.  Sus.  a.  2. 

artaxsa^rahya,  Art.  Ham.  3. 

xsayarsahya,  Art.  Ham.  3-4. 

darayavausahya,  Art.  Sus.  a.  1-2,  3. 

v'staspahya,  Art.  Pers.  a.  19;  b.  25-26. 
The  genitive  darayavausahya  in  Art.  Sus.  a.  1  2,  3, 
is  a  peculiar  reformation  from  the  nominative,  made 
like  a  genitive  from  an  a-stem. 

(b)  Confusion  of  gender  forms  appears  in  the  fol- 
lowing: 

Masc.  as  fem. : 

imam,  Art.  Pers.  u.  22;  b.  2J). 
Masc.  as  neut. : 

imam,  Art.  Sus.  a.  3;  Art.  Ham.  5,  7. 
Fem.  as  neut.: 

imam.  Art.  Sus.  c.  4-5. 


514-515I  TriR  T.Aii:  Txsruii'Tioxs.  307 

(c-)  Confusion  of  noun  stems  occurs  occasionally; 
as.  bumam  for  bumim,  Art.  Pers.  a.  2,  ]>.  1^:  sayatam 
for  siyatim,  .Vrt.  Pcrs.  a.  4,  b.  5. 

(d)  The  spelling  of  certain  words  varies;  as,  saya- 
tam for  siyatim,  just  cited;  also  akunas  for  akunaus, 
Art.  Sus.  a.  3-4;  a^a"ganan  for  a6'a"gainam,  Art. 
Pers.  a.  22,  b.  20-30;  artaxsa^rahya  for  artaxsa^'a- 
hya,  Art.  Hani.  3;  ardaxcasca  for  artaxsa^'a  on  the 
Venice  Vase,  assigned  to  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  I. 
(See  Tolman  Lex.  66-67);  darayavasahya  for  daray- 
avausahya,  Art.  Ilani.  2,  4  ;  martihya  for  martiyahya, 
Art.  Pers.  a.  4-5,  b.  6;  m'^ra,  Art.  Pers.  a.  2."'),  b. 
33,  Art.  Sus.  a.  5;  m't^*,  Art.  Ham.  6,  instead  of 
*mi^'a  (69). 

(e)  The  construction  of  mam  in  Art.  Pers.  a.  22-23, 
26;  b.  30,  35,  is  not  evident.     (See  526.  S.) 

515.  Very  different  from  these  are  the  formulaic 
words  or  expressions  occurring  in  the  earlier  inscrip- 
tions. The  language  of  these  inscriptions  was  not  a 
dialect  distinct  from  that  current  among  the  people; 
it  came  from  a  truly  Persian  court  under  Darius  and 
Xerxes;  yet  in  the  nature  of  the  case  it  was  official 
and,  in  a  measure,  religious.  Certain  peculiarities 
of  form  or  usage  may  well  have  belonged,  as  ]\Ieillet 
believes  {Gram.  8ff),  to  legal  and  religious  formulas, 
affected  by  an  influence  foreign  to  the  Persian;  c.  r/., 
the  nom.  plu.  of  baga,  cjod^  appears  everywhere  as 
bagaha,  whereas  all  other  a-stems  have  the  nom.  plu. 
in  -a.  We  may  compare  the  GAv.  -anho  and  Skt. 
(Ved.)  -asas.  The  pronominal  adjective  aniya  oc- 
curring with  bagaha  takes  the  corresponding  form 
aniyaha. 


198  Syntax.  [516-519 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Ancient  Persian  Syntax — The  Noun. 

516.  The  Syntax  of  the  Ancient  Persian  language 
is  for  the  most  part  exceedingly  simple,  the  prin- 
ciples involved  being  practically  the  same  as  those 
governing  all  other  ludo-Em-opean  languages.  These 
general  principles  may  therefore  be  assumed  or  but 
briefly  mentioned  while  the  attention  is  directed 
especially  to  such  peculiarities  of  syntax  as  the  lan- 
guage presents. 

1.  Gender. 

517.  Grammatical  gender  and  natural  gender  of 
nouns  appear  as  in  other  languages.  About  two- 
thirds  of  all  the  nouns  in  the  inscriptions  are  mas- 
culine, chiefly  of  Class  II.  (284).  Among  these  are 
many  proper  names  and  other  words  referring  to 
males.  But  further  than  this  the  meaning  does  not 
usually  determine  the  gender,  as  is  evident  from  the 
following: 

518.  Of  the  names  of  countries,  armina  and  hi"du 
are  masculine,  uvarazm'i  and  saka  are  feminine;  of 
names  of  towns,  uvadaicaya  and  zazana  are  masculine, 
tarava  and  raxa  are  feminine;  the  name  of  a  fortress 
tigra  is  masculine,  while  sikayauvati  is  feminine;  of 
the  names  of  months,  garmapada  and  ^aigarci  are 
masculine,  adukanisa  and  bagayadi  are  feminine, 
a^'iyadiya  and  ^uravahara  are  neuter;  while  of  words 
denoting  periods  of  time,  mah,  montli^  is  masculine, 
^ard,  yeai\  and  xsap,  vlght^  are  feminine,  and  raucah, 
d(iy^  is  neuter. 

519.  However,  it  may  be  noted  that  words  denoting 


519-522]  The  Norx.  10!) 

places  of  abode  or  worship  are  neuter;  such  are 
apadana,  j)alact'^  ayadana,  aanctuanj^  maniya,  estate^ 
vardana,  tonni^  and  hadis,  direlUng. 

Names  of  parts  of  the  l)ody  are  mostly  masculine, 
as  gausa,  <<//•,  dasta,  /nnid,  nah,  iiose^  harabana, 
toiufue,'  [ujcasma,  tyr,  is  prol)al)]y  neuter. 

2.  Number. 

520.  The  use  of  the  Singular,  Dual,  and  Plural  is, 
in  general,  the  same  as  in  the  other  languages.  The 
dual  survives  only  in  the  names  of  pairs  of  parts  of 
the  body,  gausa,  Bh.  2.  T-i,  tJte  {tvjo)  ears;  dastaibiya, 
NRb.  41,  with  the  {tioo)  lmndi<^  and  in  the  name  of  a 
weight  used  with  the  numeral,  II  karsa,  Dar.  Wt. 
Inscr.  1.  Even  gausa  and  karsa,  while  corresponding 
to  the  Yedic  dual  form  in  -a  and  Avestan  in  -a,  still 
suggest  the  possibility  of  a  confusion  with  the  nom- 
inative-accusative plural  forms. 

[ujcasma,  Bh.  2.  75,  89,  seems  to  1)e  an  accusative 
singular  used  for  the  dual. 

521.  A  collective  noun  may  be  treated  either  as 
singular  or  as  plural;  e.  g.^  kara  hya  hami^''iya  mana 
naiy  gaubataiy  avam  jadiy,  Bh.  2.  50-51,  The  re- 
hellious  oi'inij  'trJiicJi  (7o/\<t  tiot  call  itsflf  inin(\  smite 
it;  hauv  karam  fraisaya  .  .  .  utasam  I  martiyam 
ma^istam  akunaus  ava^asam  a^aha,  Bh.  3.  55-58, 
He  aent  foi'tli  an  arimj^  .  .  .  and  one  man  he  made 
chief  of  them^  thus  he  said  to  them. 

522.  The  collective  use  of  martiya  for  manVind  is 
parallel  to  the  use  of  the  English  man ;  e.  r/.,  baga  va- 
zarka  auramazda  .  .  .  hya  martiyam  ada,  Xerx.  Bers. 
ii.l-'i^^  Afjreat  (jod{is)  AJiHra  2[azda  .  .  .  ud  10  created 
ina7i.     However,  martiya  is  everywhere  treated  as 


200  Syntax.  [522-526 

singular  unless  in  martiya  [hya]  draujana  ahatiy  hya- 
va  [zu]rakara  ahatiy  avaiy  ma  dausta  [biy]a,  Bh.  4. 
68-69,  The  man  iclio  sJudl  Jje  a  deceiver^  or  wJio  sJiafl 
he  a  %crongdoei\  he  not  a  friend  to  these.  And  even 
here  the  plural  pronoun  is  probably  due  to  the  fact 
that  two  classes  of  men  are  defined  in  the  two  hya- 
clauses,  for  similar  expressions  with  but  one  relative 
clause  have  the  singular. 

523.  asa,  /iorse,  occurs  as  collective  in  aniyam 
usabarim  akunavam  aniyahya  asam  franayam,  P)h. 
1.  86-87,  One  part  \<:)f  the  army]  I  set  on  camels^  for 
the  other  Ihr'ought  horses. 

3.  Case. 

524.  NoTninative.  In  the  use  of  this  case  as  sub- 
ject or  predicate  the  Ancient  Persian  does  not  differ 
from  the  other  languages. 

525.  Yocatire.  Only  one  example  of  the  case  is 
found:  martiya  hya  auramazdaha  framana  hauvtaiy 
gasta  ma  ^adaya,  NRa.  56-58,  O  man.,  %rhat  [is)  the 
prevt])t  of  Ahura  2fazda^  may  it  not  seein  to  thee  re- 
pugnant. 

526.  Accusative.  In  addition  to  the  use  of  the  ac- 
cusative as  the  direct  object  of  a  transitive  verl),  the 
following  constructions  are  observed: 

(1)  The  proleptic  accusative.  The  subject  of  a 
dependent  clause  may  be  introduced  by  anticipation 
as  object  in  a  preceding  clause;  e.  </.,  matyamam 
xsnasatiy  tya  adam  naiy  bardiya  amiy,  Bh,  1.  52-53, 
llLut  thtij  may  not  hnoa:  me.,  that  I  am  not  Bard/ya. 

(2)  The  proleptic  accusative  modilier;  e.  g.,  mar- 
tiya hya  agar[ta]  aha  avam  ubartam  abaram  hya 
araika  aha  avam  ufrastam  aparsam,  Bh.   1.   21-22, 


526]  Thk  Xoix.  201 

Wliat  mail  was  ufatcJifid^  hitti  well  esteeined  I  es- 
teemed j  who  was  an  eneniy^  Jiim  well  2^unished  I 
piinixJu'd. 

(3)  Two  accusatives  of  the  same  person  or  thing 
occur  with  a  verb  signifying  to  choose  or  make;  e.  (/., 
hauv  darayavaum  xsaya(9iyam  adada,  Dar.  Pors.  d. 
2-3,  Jfe  iiKtde  iJiirhtK  liiKj;  utasam  I  martiyam  ma- 
^istam  akunaus,  Bh.  8.  57,  And  one  man  Ite  made 
chief  of  them. 

(4)  The  complementary  accusative  modifier;  as, 
hauv  parsam  hami^'^iyam  akunau[s],  Bh.  4.  9-10,  lie 
made  J\rs/ii,  rthrUious.  So  also  with  a  participle, 
dipim  naiy  nipistam  akunaus,  Xerx.  Yun.  22-23,  He 
did  not  have  [lit.  malie^  an  inscription  written.  Cf. 
the  locative  in  similar  construction  with  kar,  mal-e: 
pasava  di[s  auramazjda  mana  dastaya  akunaus,  Bh. 
4.  35,  Afterwards  Ahura  Mazda  made  thiem  in  tny 
hand. 

(5)  Two  accusatives  with  a  verb  of  asking,  the  one 
of  the  person,  the  other  of  the  thing;  e.  g.,  aita 
adam  auramazdam  jadiyamiy,  Dar.  NRa.  53-54,  This 
[pray  tf  Ahura  JLizdo. 

The  same  construction  is  found  with  a  verb  mean- 
ing to  deprive:  pasava  gaumata  hya  magus  adina 
ka"bujiyani  uta  parsam  uta  madam  uta  aniya  dahya- 
va,  Bh.  1.  46-47,  Aftenoards  Gaumata  the  Magla^i 
took  from  Camhyses  hoth  Persia  and  Media  and  the 
other  provinces. 

With  a  passive  of  such  verbs  one  of  the  accusa- 
tives is  retained;  e.  f/.,  naiy  aha  martiya  .  .  .  hya 
avam  gaumatam  tyam  magum  xsa(9''ara  ditam  caxriya, 
Bh.  1.  49-50,  There  was  not  a  man  icho  coidd  make 
Gaumata  the  Magian  deprived  of  the  kingdom. 


202  Syntax.  [526 

(0)  The  terminal  accusative,  either  alone  or  with  a 
preposition;  e.  g.^  avam  adam  fraisayam  arminam, 
Bh.  2.  30,  III  ill  I  sent  forth  to  Armenia:  kara  babi- 
ruviya  .  .  .  abiy  avam  arxam  asiyava,  Bh.  3.  81-82, 
TJte  BahyJojiian  2)eopJe  went  over  to  that  ArltJia. 

It  may  be  noted  that  of  the  many  places  in  the  in- 
scriptions where  the  name  of  a  country  expresses 
the  limit,  only  one  has  a  preposition,  a^iy  babiru[in 
ya^a  naiy  up]ayam,  Bh.  1.  91-92,  Wlieii  I  had  not 
come  to  JjaJjyJon. 

abiy  occurs  always  in  an  expression  of  motion  to  a 
person  (as  in  the  example  above,  abiy  avam  arxam) 
and  only  once  with  a  noun  denoting  place,  abiy 
imam  dahyaum  ma  ajamiya  .  .  .  ha[i]na,  Dar.  Pers. 
d.  18-19,  3fay  not  a  hostile  army  come  upon  this 
001171  try. 

(7)  The  accusative  of  specification;  e.  g.,  ka°bujiya 
nama  kuraus  pu^''a,  Bh.  1.  28,  i'amhyses  hy  7iai)ie,  son 
of  Cyrils.  With  a  feminine  noun  nama  is  always 
written  in  this  construction;  e.  g.,  sika[ya]uvatis 
nama  dida,  Bh.  1.  58,  A  stronghold,  Silxiyauvatis  hy 
name.     See  290.  A.(c),  and  Tolman  Lex.  105. 

(8)  The  accusative  with  a  substantive;  e.  g.,  aura- 
mazda  ^uvam  dausta  biya,  Bh.  4.  55-56,  May  AJiura 
Mazda  he  a  friend  to  tliee  {=  love  thee).  Such  an 
accusative  may  be  explained  from  the  verbal  force 
of  the  vomen  agentis,  or  the  transitive  force  of  the 
combination  of  the  noun  with  biya  (cf.  ra  /Aercwpa 
<^/oovTio-Ti?s,  Plato,  Apol.  18.  b).  But  the  orenitive- 
dative  occurs  in  a  similar  phrase,  auramazdatay  jata 
biya,  Bh.  4.  58,  Ifay  Ahmra  Mazda  he  a  smiter  to 
thee. 

Not  easily  explained  is  the  accusative  mam  in  such 


526]  TiiK  XoFN.  203 

a  place  as  Dar.  Nlla.  87-38,  ava  akunava"  ya|^a| 
mam  kama  aha,  This  they  did  as  was  tny  will. 

(l>)  The  adverbial  accusative  (ncnt.  ace.  s*r.  of  an 
adjective  used  as  an  adxerb);  e.  r/.,  im[a|  dahyava  tya 
adam  agarbayafm]  apataram  haca  parsa,  Dar.  NRa. 
1()-1>S,  TJuse  {((!•<)  the  j>?'ovf/ic<:s  wliich  I  seized  far 
from  Persia. 

(10)  The  accusative  with  prepositions.  Besides 
abiy  and  a^iy  (see  6  above),  the  f()lk)win2f  preposi- 
tions occur  "svith  the  accusative:  a"tar,  upa,  upariy, 
patis,  patiy  (postpos.),  para  (postpos.),  pariy,  and  pasa 
(combined  with  its  accusative  in  the  adverl)  pasava); 
e.  g., 

a"tar  ima  dahyava  martiya  hya  agar[ta]  aha,  Bh. 
1.  21,  Wlt/iiii  these  jirovinees  w/iat  naui  was  watch- 
ful^ etc. 

adam  karam  parsam  uta  madam  fraisayam  hya  upa 
mam  aha,  l^h.  8.  2^t-o0,  I  sent  forth  the  IWsian  and 
Median,  army  whlcli  was  hy  t)ie. 

upariy  arstam  upariyfaxsayaiy],  Bh.  4.  61-65,  With 
7'eetltHde  I  ruled. 

hauv  vahyazdata  .  .  .  ais  .  .  .  patis  artavardiyam 
hamaranam  cartanaiy,  Bh.  3.  35-36,  This  Vahyazdata 
Wriit  a(jalnst  Arfarardiya  to  eiKjarje  in  hattle. 

^uravaharahya  mahya  jiyamnam  patiy,  Bh.  2.  61-62, 
At  the  end  of  the  month  Thuravdhara.  (On  the  ad- 
verb patiy  sec  Tolnian  Te,r.  107-108.) 

xsapava  raucapativa,  Bh.  1.  20,  FAther  l>y  nhjht  or 
hy  day. 

avapara  asiyava,  Bh.  2.  72,  Along  there  he  went. 

kasciy  naiy  adarsnaus  cisciy  (9astanaiy  pariy  gau- 
matam,  Bh.  1.  53-54,  A7iy  one  did  not  dare  to  say 
anything  against  Gaunidta. 


204  Syntax.  [526-527 

pasava  kara  araika  abava,  Bli,  1.  33,  After  that  the 
people  hecaine  refjellious. 

The  adverb  nipadiy  seems  to  be  used  with  an  ac- 
cusative in  Bh.  3.  73-74,  vivana  hada  kara  nipadi[y] 
t[yajiy  asiyava,  Yivana  vnth  mi  army  went  in  pur- 
xtiit  of  them. 

527.  Genitive.  The  Genitive  case,  as  in  otlier 
Indo-European  langfuages,  may  be  the  modifier  of  a 
noun  or  adjective,  or  the  complement  of  a  verb. 

(1)  The  very  common  use  of  the  genitive  modify- 
ino-  a  noun  is  seen  in  vasna  auramazdaha  [ajdamsam 
xsaya^iya  aham,  Bh.  1.  13-14:,  By  the  grace  (fAhura 
2[az<la  1  was  hing  of  them. 

(a)  This  genitive  also  occurs  often  in  the  predicate; 
<!\r/.,  jata  .  .  .  avam  karam  hya darayavahaus  xsaya- 
^iyahya  gaubataiy,  Bh.  3.  58-59,  Smite  that  army 
which  calls  itself  of  Darius  the  king;  aita  xsa^'am 
haca  paruviyata  amaxam  taumaya  aha,  Bh.  1.  45-4:6, 
This  Txiiigdoni  from  long  ago  vas  of  our  family. 

(b)  The  partitive  genitive  occurs  with  a  pronoun, 
a  numeral,  or  a  superlative;  e.  g.,  aha.  .  .  naiy 
amaxam  taumaya  kasciy,  Bh.  1.  48-49,  Tho'e  was  not 
any  one  of  our  family;  VIII  mana  taumay[a  tyaijy 
[pajruvam  xsaya^iya  aha",  Bh.  1.  9-10,  J^ight  of  hiy 
fantily  {there  were)  who  wei'e  formerly  I' ings;  aura- 
mazda  vazarka  hya  maWsta  baganam,  Dar.  Pers.  d. 
1-2,  21ie  great  Almra  Masda^  who  {Ix)  the  greatest 
of  the  gods. 

(c)  The  appositional  genitive  is  found  where  the 
name  of  a  month  occurs  with  mah;  e.  (/.,  garmapa- 
dahya  mahya  IX  raucabis,  Bh.  1.  42,  Nine  dayx  in 
the  month  (of)  Garz/iajnida. 

2.   (a)  The  genitive  is  complementary  to  the  verb 


527-528J  The  Norx.  L'O.') 

Id  adamsa[m|  patiyaxsayaiy,  Dar.  NKa.  ls-l',»,  /  ruled 
t/ieiti. 

(b)  The  genitive  may  be  used  adverbially  denoting 
time  -within  wliicli  an  action  occurs;  e.  f/.,  ima  tya 
adam  akunavam  hamahyaya  ^arda,  lih.  4.  59-GO,  Tlii)^ 
{Is)  loJuit  I  did  %c  it  hill  the  sai/te  year. 

(c)  The  genitive  occurs  with  pasa  in  an  acherbial 
phiase  in  hya  aniya  kara  parsa  pasa  mana  asiyava 
madam,  Bh.  3.  32-33,  T/ie  red  of  the  Persian  army 
went  with  me  to  Media. 

528.  The  loss  of  the  Dative  case  and  the  taking 
over  of  its  functions  by  the  genitive  have  been  men- 
tioned above  (266).  The  following  examples  illus- 
trate uses  of  this  dative-genitive: 

(1)  The  Indirect  01)ject;  e.  (/.,  iyam  dahyaus  parsa 
tyam  mana  auramazda  frabara,  Dar.  Pers.  d.  6-7,  TJiis 
(is)  the  edHiitry  1\  rsla  xcJiich  Ahura  Mazda  gave 
me;  aitamaiy  auramazda  dadatuv,  Dar.  KRa.  54-55, 
This  let  Ahura  Mazda  give  me.  -maiy  is  used  in  the 
oft-repeated  phrase  auramazdamaiy  upastam  abara, 
Ahura  Mazda  lore  me  aid,  mana  occurring  only  in 
Dar.  Pers.  d.  13. 

With  forms  of  duruj,  lie,  deceive,  we  tind  either 
the  dative-genitive  or  the  accusative;  e.  g.,  hauv 
karahya  ava^a  [ajdurujiya,  Bh.  1.  38-39,  lie  thus 
lied  to  thepeojjle;  karam  ava^a  adurujiya,  Bh.  1.  78, 
die  thus  deceived  the  people. 

The  indirect  object  may  occur  also  with  an  in- 
transitive verb;  e.  g.,  mat[ya]  .  .  .  avahya  paruv 
^a[daya],  Bh.  4.  48-49,  Zest  to  him  it  seem  too  much. 

(2)  The  dative-genitive  may  have  the  meaning  of 
a  dative  of  Reference  or  Interest;   e.  g.,   avataiy 


20()  Syntax.  [528-529 

auramazda  nika"tuv,   Bh.   4.  79-80,   This  let  Ahura 
Mazda  destroy  for  thee. 

(3)  The  Personal  Ao^ent  may  be  expressed  by  the 
genitive;  e.  g.,  ava^asam  hamaranam  kartam,  Bh.  3. 
19,  Thus  the  battle  (was)  fvxKjht  hy  them;  tya  mana 
kartam  uta  tyamaiy  pi^'a  kartam,  Xerx.  Pers.  a. 
19-20,  WJiat  {ica.s)  done  hij  me  and  what  (vxis)  done 
by  my  father.  Since,  however,  this  use  of  the  case 
occurs  only  with  kartam,  the  participle  may  have 
been  treated  as  a  noun,  and  the  construction  would 
then  be  classed  with  527  (1). 

(4)  The  dative-s:enitive  with  adjectives  or  adverl)s; 
e.  g. ,  brat[a  bardijya  nama  aha  hamata  hamapita  ka"- 
bujiyahya,  Bh.  1.  29-30,  There  was  a  brother^  Bar- 
diya  by  name.,  having  the  same  mother  and  the  same 
father  with  Camhyses;  karahy[a  naiy]  azda  abava, 
Bh.  1.  31-33,  It  was  not  known  to  the  people;  adataiy 
azda  bavatiy,  Dar.  NRa.  45-46,  Then  it  will  be  knoum 
to  thee. 

(5)  Similar  to  (4)  is  the  dative-genitive  with  de- 
rivative nouns;  martiya  tyaisaiy  fratama  anusiya 
aha"ta  agarbaya",  Bh.  3.  48-49,  V^'liat  men  icere  his 
foremost  allies  (=  devoted  to  him)  they  seized;  aura- 
mazdatay  jata  biya,  Bh.  4.  58,  2fay  Ahura  Mazda  be 
a  sniltev  to  thee. 

529.  Ablative.  The  identity  of  form  of  the  abla- 
tive singular  with  the  instrumental  of  a-stems,  with 
the  genitive  of  a-stems  and  consonant  stems,  has  been 
mentioned  above  (271,  273).  The  ablative,  however, 
is  distinguished  in  this,  that  the  preposition  haca 
always  occurs  with  it.     It  has  the  following  uses: 

(1)  Ablative  of  Separation;  (a)  with  a  verb,  e.  (7., 
pasava  adam  nijayam  haca  babiraus,  Bh.   2.   64(55, 


529]  The  Noun.  207 

Aftenoards  I  went  from  BalnjJon;  (b)  with  an  ad- 
jective, c.  7.,  pasava  kara  haruva  hami^'iya  abava 
haca  ka"bujiya,  Bh.  1.  40,  Aftenrardu  all  the  j^eojde 
hecatiie  tsti'aitg<  d  from  CavJjijses;  (c)  with  an  adverb, 
e.  g.,  im[aj  dahyava  tya  adam  agarbayajm]  apataram 
haca  parsa,  Dar.  NKa.  10-18,  These  (are)  the  provinces 
lohich.  I  seized  afar  from  Persia. 

Metaphorical  separation  is  expressed  in  kara  parsa 
hya  v'^apatiy  haca  yadaya  fratarta,  Bh.  3.  26,  llie 
IWsiaih  army  in  the  palace  departed  from  their  loy- 
alty; haca  drauga  darsam  patipayauva,  Bh.  4,  37-38, 
Protect  thyself  strongly  from  deceit. 

(a)  haca  comes  to  be  used  with  adverbs  both  of 
place  and  of  time;  e.  ()..,  haca  avadasa  karam  aya- 
sata,  Bh,  3.  42-43,  From  thence  he  tooh  an,  army. 
This  use  of  haca  is  easily  explained  from  the  abla- 
tive singular  of  the  pronoun  in  avadasa,  and  possibly 
the  use  with  other  adverl)s  was  an  extension  of  this; 
e.  g.,  aita  xsa^'"ain  haca  paruviyata  amaxam  taumaya 
aha,  Bh.  1.  45-46,  This  kingdom  from  long  ago  was 
of  oar  family. 

(2)  Abhitive  of  Personal  Agent;  e.  g.,  ya^asam 
hacama  a^ahya  [ajva^a  akunavaya"ta,  Bh.  1.  23-24, 
As  it  was  commanded  to  thein  hy  me,  .■^o  thf  y  did. 

(3)  Ablative  of  Cause.  If  we  read  darsma",  abl. 
sg.  of  an  n-stem,  we  have  an  expression  of  cause  in 
Bh.  1.  50-51,  karasim  haca  darsma"  atarsa,  The  peojyle 
feared  him  frr  his  tyranny. 

(4)  haca  with  the  ablative  occurs  regularly  with 
d^'ahy  fear;  ■  e.  g.,  haca  aniyana  naiy  tarsatiy,  Dar. 
Pers.  d.  11-12,  [The  j>/'ovinee}  does  not  fear  an.  enemy ; 
hacama  atarsa",  Dur.  Pers.  e.  9,  {The  provinces\ 
feared  me.     Only  in  the  example  from  Bh.  1.  50-51, 


208  Syntax.  [529-530 

quoted  under  (8),  do  we  apparently  find  the  accusa- 
tive (-sim)  with  this  verb.  Some  Avould  even  hold 
that  -sim,  while  ori<^inally  accusative,  was  used  for 
other  case  forms,  and  here  as  ablative,  comparing 
the  Vedic  use  of  im  as  both  singular  and  plural  in  all 
genders.  (So  Meillet,  Gram.  345.)  In  one  place 
(Bh.  5.  15)  supplied  by  King-Thompson,  the  verb 
^'ah  is  used  absolutely. 

530.  Instrumental,  This  case  has  the  following 
uses : 

(1)  Without  a  preposition  it  expresses  means  or 
instrument;  e.  g.^  vasna  auramazdaha  ima  xsa^'^am 
darayamiy,  Bh.  1.  26,  By  the  grace  of  Ahura  Mazda 
I  hold  th  is  I'ingdom. 

(2)  Very  frequently  the  instrumental  occurs  with 
the  preposition  hada  to  express  accompaniment;  e.  g.^ 
hauv  vidarna  hada  kara  asiyava,  Bh.  2.  21-22,  This 
Jlijdarncs  untJt  the  armij  vent  aivay;  hauv  fravartis 
hada  kamnaibis  asabaribis  amu^a,  Bh.  2.  71,  This 
Phraortes  with  a  few  horsemen  fled. 

(3)  The  instrumental  is  used  also  with  the  prepo- 
sition ana,  throughout .^  and  the  postpositive  -patiy, 
a^,  in;  e.  g. ,  vasiy  aniyasciy  naibam  kartam  ana  parsa, 
Xerx.  Pers.  a.  13-11,  Much  else  (that  is)  heautfnl 
(was)  done  tJrroiigJiotit  Persia;  kara  parsa  hya  v'^a- 
patiy  haca  yadaya  fratarta,  Bh.  3.  26,  27ie  Persian 
army  which  {was)  in  the  palace  departed  from  their 
loyalty. 

Note. — On  a  possible  instance  of  anuv  witii  tlie  instru- 
mental in  Bh.  1.  92,  see  Tolman  Lex.  76-77,  s.  v.  ufratu. 

(1)  Difficult  of  explanation  is  the  use  of  the  instru- 
mental as  subject.     This  occurs  in  the  oft-repeated 


530-531]  The  Noun.  209 

phrase  raucabis  ^akata  aha"  in  orivin;^  a  date;  e.  </., 
anamakahya  mahya  XV  raucabis  ^akata  aha",  Bh.  2. 
50,  J^ifteen  days  in  the  m<>ntli  Anumala  were  com- 
pleting their  course.  Here  raucabis  has  so  completely 
lost  its  value  as  instrumental  that  ^akata  in  the  pred- 
icate is  nominative.  That  such  is  the  construction 
seems  j)r()l)al)le  from  comparison  with  the  only  ex- 
ample of  the  singular  rauca  in  a  similar  phrase,  gar- 
mapadahya  mahya  I  rauca  ^akatam  aha,  Bh.  3.  7-8, 
One  da//  in  the  )n<>nth  Gamut pada  u-as  completing  its 
course.  Again  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  Avestan 
shows  the  same  use  of  the  instrumental  as  nomina- 
tive (also  as  vocative  and  accusative),  which  Reichelt 
explains  as  arising  from  the  connection  of  subjects 
thus:  A  with  B,  with  C,  instead  of  A  and  B  and  C; 
then  the  "with-B,"  "with  C"  passed  into  use  as 
subjects  even  when  not  connected  with  the  nomina- 
tive A  (Reichelt,  Av\  Elem.  4:27;  see  also  Tolman 
Lex.  95,  s.  V.  ^"k^fa). 

531.  Locative.  (1)  The  locative  of  names  of  coun- 
tries, provinces,  or  towns  is  used  without  a  preposi- 
tion; e.  g.^  m[aru]s  nama  vardanam  madaiy,  Bh.  2. 
22-23,  i^There  is)  a  town  Jlaru  ly  name  in  Media; 
hauv  duvitiyama  udapatata  parsaiy,  Bh.  3.  23-24,  He 
was  the  Second  to  ri^e  (ojain-st  me  in  IWsia. 

(2)  In  all  other  places  the  locative  occurs  with  a 
preposition,  usually  the  postpositive  -a;  c.  g.,  drauga 
dahyauva  vasiy  abava  uta  parsaiy  uta  madaiy  u[ta  an-j 
iyauva  dahyusuva,  I)li.  1.  34-35,  There  was  deceit 
to  a  gnat  extent  in  the  land^  hotli  in  Persia  and  in 
Media  and  in  the  other  provinces;  di[s  auramazjda 
mana  dastaya  akunaus,  Bh.  4.  35,  Aliura  Mazda  put 
them  in  my  hand.  So  also  in  an  expression  of  time; 
14 


210  Syntax.  [531-532 

e.  ^.,  ^aigarcais  mahya  IX  raucabis,  Bli.  2.  4:()-4T, 
Nine  days  in  the  month  Thaigarci. 

(a)  If,  as  Bartholomffi  has  held,  asnaiy,  Bh.  2. 
11-12,  is  locative  singular  of  asna,  viarcJc^  without 
postpositive  -a,  we  have  in  it  an  exception  to  the  rule 
here  stated.  (See  Tolman  Lex.  71-72.)  The  adverb 
nipadiy  appears  to  be  a  locative  singular  form  of 
niy  +  pad,  also  made  without  postpositive  -a.  (See 
Tolman  Lex.  106.)  Another  example  of  the  locative 
as  an  adverb  is  seen  in  avahyaradiy, /br  this  7'eason. 
(See  Tolman  Lex.  70.) 

(3)  Other  prepositions  (postpositive)  used  with  the 
locative  are  -adiy  and  -patiy  (following  -a);  e.  g.^ 
ufrastadiy  (=  ufrasta-adiy)  parsa,  Bh.  4.  69,  Punish 
{them)  2vifh  severe  jmntshment:  pasavasim  hagma- 
tanaiy  uzmayapatiy  akunavam,  Bh.  2.  76,  Afterwards 
I  put  him  on  a  cross  in  Fchatana.  The  survival  of 
the  postpositive  -patiy  in  Middle  Persian  is  illus- 
trated in  the  corresponding  phrase  of  the  Tm'fan 
MSS. ;  see  Tolman  Lex.  79,  s.  v.  uzma. 


CHAPTEK  XV. 

Syntax  of  the  Verb. 
1.  Voice. 

532.  The  distinction  of  meaning  between  the  ac- 
tive and  the  middle  of  the  Indo-European  has  been 
pointed  out  (356) — a  distinction  that  may  be  ob- 
served in  Ancient  Persian;  e.  (7.,  IX  xs[aya^iy]a 
agarbayam,  Bh.  4.  7,  /  seized  nine  lings;   xsa^'am 


532  535j  TiiK  N'kki!.  I'll 

hauv  agarbayata,  r>h.  1.  41-12,  He  seized  the  lingdoin 
{for  himself). 

533.  The  use  of  the  Indo-European  middle  forms 
as  passive  has  ])cen  mentioned  above  (479).  This  is 
common  also  in  Ancient  Persian,  as  fravartis  agar- 
bl[ta]  anayata  ably  mam,  Bh.  2.  73,  Phraortes  seized 
ints  Ird  to  inr,  beside  the  passive  in  duvarayamaiy 
basta  adariy,  Bh.  2.  75,  lie  was  held  hound  at  my 
court.     (See  also  539.  2). 

2.  :\lood. 

534.  Indicative.  As  in  the  other  languages,  the 
indicative  is  used  in  clauses,  whether  independent 
or  dependent,  which  make  the  statement  of  a  fact. 
Such  a  dependent  clause  may  be  relative,  temporal, 
causal,  or  substanti^e;  e.  r/.,  avam  martiyam  agar- 
baya"  hyasam  ma^ista  aha,  Bh.  2.  12-13,  They  seized 
that  Martlya  who  was  chief  of  them;  imaiy  martiya 
tyaiy  adakaiy  avada  [a]ha"ta  yata  adam  gaumatam 
.  .  .  avajanam,  Bh.  4.  80-81,  These  {a?-e)  the  men  who 
were  there  at  that  time  when  I  sleio  Gaumatam  ima 
tya  mana  kartam  pasava  ya^a  xsaya^iya  abavam, 
Bh.  1.  27-28,  This  {Is)  what  Ocas)  done  hy  me  after 
I  hecame  Icing;  auramazdamaiy  upastam  abara  yata 
ima  xsa^'am  ha[ma]darayai[y],  Bh.  1.  25-26,  Ahura 
JCd.zda  here  one  aid  'Until  I  obtained  this  I'lngdom/ 
avah[ya]ra[diy]  auramazda  upastam  abara  .  .  .  [ya^]a 
naiy  arai[ka]  aham,  Bh.  4.  62-63,  Tor  this  reason 
Ahwa  Mazda  hore  {tne)  aid^  hccaiise  I  was  not  an 
enemy;  matyamam  xsnasatiy  tya  adam  naiy  bardiya 
amiy,  Bh.  1.  52-53,  Tliat  \thie 2»^02)hi\  may  not  l-noio 
me.,  that  T  am  not  Tiardiya, 

535.  Suhjunctive.     The  subjunctive  is  used  to  indi- 


212  Syntax.  [535 

cate  that  the  act  or  condition  expressed  by  the  verb 
is  anticipated. 

(1)  Such  anticipation  may  be  expressed  as  mere 
futurity,  especially  in  indelinite  relative  or  temporal 
clauses;  e.  </.,  tuvam  [ka]  xsaya^iya  hya  aparam  ahy 
martiya  [hya]  draujana  ahatiy  hyava  [zu]rakara++ 
ahatiy  avaiy  ma  dausta  [biy]a,  Bh.  4.  67-69,  O  thou 
wJio  t<]i<(lt  he  lii/Kj  ill  the  futare^  uiJcatever  man  shall 
he  a  decewer  or  whoever  shall  he  a  wrongdoer^  he  not 
a  friend  to  these;  utataiy  yava  tau[m]a  ahatify],  Bh. 
4.  77-78,  And  as  long  as  tlnj  fmniUj  f<haV  he. 

(a)  In  two  passages  the  subjunctive  gaubataiy  oc- 
curs in  clauses  apparently  the  same  in  meaning  as 
many  others  that  have  the  indicative  gaubataiy: 
karam  hami^^'iyam  hya  mana  naiy  gaubataiy  avam 
jata,  Bh.  2.  83-84,  IJie  veheUious  a/rmy  which  dots 
{iciJl?)  not  call  iti<elf  mine,  smite  it;  [avajm  karam 
babiruvi[ya]m  jata  hya  mana  naiy  [gajubataiy,  Bh.  3. 
85-86,  Smite  that  Bahyloniaii  army  which  doe.''  (irillf) 
not  call  itself  mine.     (Cf.  indicative  in  Bh.  2,  21.) 

(2)  Closely  related  to  this  is  the  use  of  the  sub- 
junctive in  future  conditions  introduced  by  yadiy; 
e.  g.,  yadiy  imam  ha"dugam  apagaudayahy  naiy  ^ahy 
[k]ara[hya]  auramazdatay  jata  biya,  Bh.  4.  57-58,  If 
thou  shall  conceal  this  record  {and)  shall  not  tell  (it) 
to  the  people,  may  Ahiira  Mazda  he  a  sviifer  unto 
thee;  yadiy  kara  parsa  pata  ahatiy  hya  duvais[ta]m 
siyatis  axsata  hauvciy  aura  nirasatiy  abiy  imam 
vi^am,  Dar.  Pers.  e.  22-24,  If  tJie  l^er,sian.  pcojile 
nJiall  he  protected,  welfare  for  a  long  time  undis- 
turhed  will  thremgh  Ahura  Mazda  descend  upon,  this 
royal  house. 

(3)  The  expression  of  an  anticipated  action  nuiy  l>e 


535  5361  TiiK  Vkru.  2i:J 

joined  with  a  desire  for  its  accomplishment.  Hence 
the  subjunctive  expresses  a  Avish;  e.  g.,  dahyausmaiy 
duruva  ahatiy,  Bh.  4.  8t>-4U,  Jf/y  my  country  he 
secure. 

(4)  In  the  same  way  the  subjunctive  expresses  a 
command;  e.  r/.,  matya  vikanahy  .  .  .  ava^asta 
pari[ba]ra,  Bh.  4.  71-72,  lliou  shalt  not  destroy  {tJi em) .^ 
t/ius  tJtou  sJndt  guard  them. 

(5)  When  an  action  is  anticipated  with  a  view  to 
its  prevention  or  with  a  fear  of  its  fultilhnent,  the 
expression  becomes  one  of  negative  purpose.  Here 
the  subjunctive  is  introduced  by  matya  (cf.  the  ex- 
ample of  negative  command  under  4);  e.  (/.,  avahya- 
radiy  karam  avajaniya  matyamam  xsnasatiy,  Bh.  1. 
51-52,  For  this  7'eason  he  would  slay  thei^eopU.,  '"''that 
tJiey  may  nrot  I'aom  'ine'\'  avahyaradiy  naiy  nipistam 
mat[ya]  .  .  .  avahya  paruv  ^a[daya  tyaj  mana  kar- 
tam  nais[im]  ima  varnavataiy  duruxtam  maniya[taiy], 
Bh.  4.  47-50,  For  this  reason  it  (is)  not  irritten,  lest 
to  him  what  has  been,  done  l>y  me  should  seem,  too  miieh^ 
{and)  it  shoidd  not  convince  him,  (hut)  he  should  think, 
{it)  false. 

536.  Optative.  The  optative  occurs  but  rarely. 
The  following  uses  are  found: 

(1)  In  its  proper  function  the  optative  expresses  a 
wish.  Its  negative  is  ma.  Thus,  auramazdatay  jata 
biya  utataiy  tauma  ma  biya,  Bh.  4.  58-59,  May  Ahura 
Mazda  he  a  smiter  to  thee.,  and  may  there  not  he  to 
thee  a  family.  (Cf.  the  similar  expression  in  Bh.  4. 
75-76,  where  the  optative  is  parallel  to  the  subjunc- 
tive and  the  imperative.)  ably  imam  dahyaum  ma 
ajamiya  .  .  .  ha[i]na,  Dar.  Pcrs.  d.  ls-i'.»,  Jlay  not 
an  evil  Jio.st  come  ujxni  thiis  country. 


214  Syntax.  [536-538 

(2)  The  optative  may  })e  potential;  v.  f/.,  naiy  aha 
martiya  .  .  .  hya  avam  gaumatam  tyam  magum 
xsa^"'am  ditam  caxriya,  Bh.  1.  48-50,  There  was  not 
a  man  who  could  mal'e  this  Gaumdta  the  Magian 
dep7'ived  of  the  Jcmgdom.  So  also  with  a  verb  of 
fearing  preceding:  karasim  haca  darsma"  atarsa  ka- 
ram  vasiy  avajaniya  .  .  .  avahyaradiy  karam  avaja- 
niya,  Bh.  1.  50-52,  The  jjevple  feared  hii/i  for  his 
tyranny y  he  would  slay  the  many:,  for  this  reason  he 
woidd  slay  the  ])eo2)le. 

537.  Imjyerative  and  Tnjunctive.  These  two  moods 
are  used  alike  in  expressing  a  command,  a  prayer, 
or  a  wish.  The  negative  with  the  injunctive,  as  with 
the  optative  of  like  meaning,  is  ma.  Examples  are: 
paraidiy  kara  hya  hami^'iya  mana  naiy  gaubataiy 
avam  jadiy,  Bh.  2.  50-51,  Gc^  the  rebellious  army  that 
does  not  call  itself  mine.,  smite  it;  avataiy  auramazda 
nika"tuv,  Bh.  4.  79-80,  This  let  Ahura  Mazda  destroy 
for  thee;  tya  mana  kartam  varnavatam,  Bh.  4.  42, 
Let  it  conmnce  {thee  as  to)  what  (^/v/.s)  done  hy  me; 
paraita  avam  karam  tyam  madam  jata,  Bh.  2.  20-21, 
Go,  sj/iite  t/iat  Jledian  army;  haca  aniyana  ma  [ta]r- 
sam,  Dar.  Pers.  e.  20-21,  3fay  I  not  fear  an  en- 
emy, 

538.  Infinitive.  The  infinitive  occurs  either  as 
complementary  to  a  verb  or  to  express  purpose. 

(1)  Complementary  Infinitive:  kasciy  naiy  adars- 
naus  cisciy  ^astanaiy,  Bh.  1.  53-54,  Any  one  did  not 
dare  to  say  anything;  pasava  adam  niyastayam  imam 
dipim  nipistanaiy,  Xerx.  Van.  23-25,  Afterwards  I 
commanded  to  write  this  inscription. 

(2)  Infinitive  of  Purpose:  ha[m]i^'[iya]  ha"gmata 
paraita  patis  dadarsim  hamaranam  cartanaiy,  \\\\.  2. 


538-540]  TiiK  Veri!.  215 

43-44,   The  rebels  came  together  {and)  went  against 
Dadarshi  to  engage  in  hattle. 

539.  Participle.  (1)  The  passive  participle  (513) 
is  used  sometimes  merely  as  a  modifying  adjective; 
e.  J/.,  duvarayamaiy  basta  adariy,  Bh.  2.  75,  He  was 
held  hound  at  my  court.  Similarly  as  com])lementary 
accusative  modifier  in  such  a  circuudocution  as  dipim 
naiy  nipistam  akunaus,  Xerx.  Van.  22-23,  He  did  not 
have  an  insci'iption  written. 

(2)  The  participle  in  -ta  occurs  also  with  forms  of 
the  verb  ah,  he.,  making  a  passive  construction;  e.  c/., 
xsa^'am  tya  haca  amaxam  taumaya  parabartam  aha 
ava  adam  patipadam  akunavam,  Bh.  1.  61-62,  The 
Mngdom  which  was  talien  a^cay  from  our  family.,  this 
T put  in  (its)  2)1  ace;  yadiy  kara  parsa  pata  ahatiy, 
Dar.  Pers.  e.  22,  If  the  Persian  j>eople  shall  he  pro- 
tected. 

(a)  Often,  however,  the  form  of  ah  is  not  expressed; 
e.  g..,  ava^asam  hamaranam  kartam,  Bh.  3.  8-'J,  TJien 
the  hattle  {was)  fought  hy  them.  So  also  in  the  case 
of  intransitive  verbs,  the  participle  alone  may  be 
used  as  equivalent  to  an  active  indicative;  e.  g.., 
hami^'^iya  ha"gmata  paraita  patis  vivanam,  Bh.  3.  65, 
The  rebels  came  together  and  went  against  Vivana. 

3.  Tense. 

540.  Present.  This  tense  is  used  not  only  of  an 
action  or  state  properly  present,  but  of  what  belongs 
to  the  past  and  continues  into  the  present;  e.  r/.,  VIII 
mana  taumaya  tyaiy  paruvam  xsaya^iya  aha"  adam 
navama  IX  duvitaparanam  vayam  xsaya^iya  amahy, 
Bh.  a.  14-18,  Eight  of  my  family  {there  were)  who 


216  Syntax.  [540-543 

were  formerly  hinys;  I  am  the  nhitii  (0);  long  afore- 
time we  have  heen  (lit.  are)  kings. 

541.  Future.  The  future  relation  is  expressed  usu- 
ally by  the  subjunctive  (535.  1).  A  periphrastic 
future,  composed  of  the  optative  of  bu,  he.,  with  a 
verbal  noun,  has  been  mentioned  above  (484);  e,  g., 
auramazda  ^uvam  dausta  biya,  Bh.  4.  55-56,  May 
Ahura  Mazda  he  a  friend  to  thee.  On  jivahya  as  a 
possible  original  syo-future  in  Bh.  5.  19-20,  35,  see 
484. 

542.  Imperfect  and  Aorist.  There  seems  to  have 
been  usually  no  clear  distinction  in  meaning  between 
these  two  tenses;  e.  </.,  hauv  ayasata  uvaipasiyam 
akuta  hauv  xsaya^iya  abava,  Bh.  1.  47-1:8,  He  seized 
{the  power  a7id)  made  {it)  his  own  possession,'  he  he- 
cams  king;  avada  hamaranam  akunaus,  Bh.  2.  23, 
Here  he  engaged  in  battle;  pasava  hamaranam  akuma, 
Bh.  2.  67-68,  Afterwards  v^e  engaged  in  hattle. 

543.  In  a  few  places,  and  perhaps,  as  Meillet  sug- 
gests {Gram.  237),  in  formulaic  expressions  repre- 
senting a  usage  earlier  than  the  time  of  the  inscrip- 
tions, there  seems  to  be  a  difference  of  signification 
between  the  two  tenses,  as  in  the  following  example 
the  aorist  is  used  of  the  creation,  an  event  long  since 
accomplished,  and  the  imperfect  of  the  advancement 
of  Darius  to  the  throne,  an  event  the  effect  of  which 
is  of  uncertain  duration  and  is  closely  connected 
with  the  time  of  the  record:  baga  vazarka  auramazda 
hya  imam  bumim  ada  hya  avam  asmanam  ada  hya 
martiyam  ada  hya  siyatim  ada  martiyahya  hya  dara- 
yavaum  xsayaWyam  akunaus,  Dar.  NRa.  1-6,  A  great 
god  is  Ahura  Mazda.,  who  created  this  earth,  who  cre- 
ated yonder  heaven,  who  created  man,  who  created 


543-546]  Tin:  Verb.  217 

'ireJfare  for  ma?},  irho  wade  Darius  l-iiKj;  auramazda 
vazarka  hya  ma^ista  baganam  hauv  darayavaum  xsa- 
ya^iyam  adada,  Dar.  Pers.  d.  l-^^,  The  great  A/nira 
2Li-::<Ia,  urho  (/.s)  tlie  greatest  of  the  gods,  he  made 
Darius  ling. 

544.  Perfect.  The  only  example  of  a  perfect  form 
in  the  inscriptions  happens  to  be  a  potential  optative 
(caxriya,  Bb.  1.  50),  which  does  not  show  the  tense 
signification.  A  construction  similar  to  that  of  the 
perfect  passive  of  other  languages,  expressing  the 
result  of  a  completed  act  or  a  finished  process  (cf. 
359.  3),  is  made  by  com])ining  the  passive  participle 
with  a  form  of  the  verb  ah,  he;  e.  g.,  aniyasciy  vasiy 
astiy  kartam,  Bh.  4.  46-47,  2[ueh  else  vas  done; 
avaisam  ava  naiy  astiy  kartam,  Bh.  4.  51-52,  Bg  fJirse 
notJiing  vas  thus  doru.  Frequently  the  form  of  ah 
is  omitted.     (See  539.  2.  a. ) 

4.  Auxiliary  Verbs. 

545.  The  examples  given  in  the  preceding  para- 
graph illustrate  the  use  of  ah,  he,  as  virtually  an 
auxiliary  verb,  kar,  mal-e,  also  sometimes  has  an  aux- 
iliary function;  t.  g.,  dipim  naiy  nipistam  akunaus, 
Xerx.  Van.  22-23,  Ue  did  i><>t  hare  (lit.  mal:)  an 
inscription  vritten ;  hya  avam  gaumatam  tyani  magum 
xsa^'"am  ditam  caxriya,  Bh  1.  49-50,  y^lio  could  make 
iJidt  Gaunidtu  the  Jfagiati  deprived  of  the  Jcingdom. 

5.  Verbal  Prefixes. 

546.  Certain  adverbial  forms  originally  independ- 
ent came,  in  the  development  of  the  derived  lan- 
guages, to  be  so  closely  connected  with  the  verb  as 
to  lose  their  independence  and  serve  only  as  prefixes. 


218  Syntax.  [546-556 

Such  ill  Ancient  Persian  are:  a,  toj  atiy,  heyondj 
apa,  away;  ava,  doicn;  ud  (us)>  ?«^/  niy,  down;  nij, 
aicay;  p&tiy,  af;  para.,  forth;  i^aiiy, alout;  fta.^  forth; 
viy,  away;  ham,  togdJur.  Of  these  patiy,  para,  and 
parly  occur  also  as  prepositions,  and  patiy  (if  indeed 
this  is  the  same  word;  see  Tolman  Lex.  108)  was 
sometimes  used  as  an  independent  adverb.  The  prep- 
ositions ably,  to;  upa,  to;  and  upariy,  above.,  seem  to 
be  verbal  prefixes  in  certain  mutilated  passao^es. 

547.  The  meaning  of  the  compound  may  be  merely 
a  literal  combination  of  the  meanings  of  the  verb 
and  the  prefix;  e.  (/.,  niy,  down,  with  ar,  co/ne,  in 
siyatis  .  .  .  nirasatiy  abiy  imam  vi^am,  Dar.  Pers. 
e.  23-24:,  Wefa}'e  will  come  down  %ij)on  this  house; 
para^  forth,  with  i,  go,  in  ava^asaiy  a^aham  paraidiy, 
Bh.  2.  50,  Thus  I  said  to  him,  ''''  Go  foiih^\:  ham, 
together.,  with  gam,  covie,  in  hami^''iya  ha"gmata,  Bh. 
2.  57-58,  TJie  rebels  came  to(/ethcr. 

548.  In  some  instances  the  prefix  seems  to  make 
little,  if  any,  difl'erence  of  meaning;  e.  g. ,  yata  adam 
arasam  madam,  Bh.  2.  63,  C)itil  I  came  to  Jfedia, 
beside  ya^a  madam  pararasam,  Bh.  2.  65,  When  I 
came  to  Media. 

549.  Sometimes  the  compound  is  used  in  a  sec- 
ondary or  metaphorical  sense;  e.  g.,  ya[diy]  .  .  . 
paribarah[i]dis,  Bh.  4.  72-74,  //  thou  shtaU  guard 
them,  beside  tyai[y]  ga^um  bara"tiy,  NRa.  41-42,  ^Vll0 
bear  the  throne;  ima  stanam  hauv  niyastaya  ka"ta- 
naiy,  Xerx.  Van.  20-21,  He  commanded  to  dig  out 
thus  jplace,  beside  avada  aistata,  Bh.  1.  85,  There  he 
Jialted  {stood). 

550.  The  verbal  prefix  may  be  used  to  strengthen 
or  emphasize  a   meaning  belonging  to  the  simple 


550-554 


The  Veiu!.  2VA 


verb;  < .  </.,  from  gud,  hide,  with  apa-,  ma  apagaudaya, 
Bh.  4.  54,  i>c  '^^'^^  A/<?e  {if)  atcaij;  from  had,  6/V 
(causative,  put  doic/i),  with  niy-,  adamsim  ga^ava 
niyasadayam,  NRa.  35-36,  /  cdaUished  it  on  {'dt<) 
foundation. 

551.  Tn  some  places  the  prefix  seem§  to  be  used  to 
murk  the  tcrmimilive  as  opposed  to  the  cursive  or 
durativo  action  of  the  verb  (359.  5);  e.  </.,  vasna 
auramazdaha  ima  xsa^'am  darayamiy,  Bh.  1.  26,  By 
the  grace  of  Ahum  ^fazda  I  h<>hl  (=  am  holding) 
this  Jiingdom,  beside  auramazdamaiy  upastam  abara 
yata  ima  xsa^'"am  ha[ma]darayai[yj,  Bh.  1.  25-26, 
Ah  lira  Jfasda  ho  re  me  aid  until  T  ohtained  this  king- 
dom. 

552.  Two  verbs  show  a  combination  of  two  pre- 
fixes, jan  with  ava  -f  a,  and  bar  with  patiy  +  a; 
e.  g.,  karam  avajaniya,  Bh.  1.  52,  Jle  ^could  slay 
[swite  down)  the  -people;  adam  tya  paraba[rta]m  pa- 
tiyabaram,  Bh.  1.  67-68,  /  Ironght  hack  what  {had 
been)  taken  av:ay. 

6.  Direct  and  Lidirect  Quotations. 

553.  A  very  large  majority  of  the  object  clauses 
following  verbs  of  saying  or  perceiving  are  in  the 
form  of  direct  quotations.  This  is  everywhere  the 
case  after  the  very  common  verb  ^ah.  Examples 
after  other  verbs  are:  hauv  karahya  ava^a  [a]duru- 
jiya  adam  bardiya  amiy,  Bh.  1.  3S-o9,  He  thus  lud  to 
the  people,  '■'lam  Bardiya''^'  yadiy  ava^a  maniyahay 
haca  aniyana  ma  [ta]rsam  imam  parsam  karam  padiy, 
Dar.  Pers.  e.  li>-22.  If  thus  thou,  sJadt  thinh,  ''Jlay 
I  not  f tar  an  enemy,''''  protect  this  Persian  people. 

554.  The  verb  of  saying  or  perceiving  may  be 


220  Syntax.  [554-555 

merely  implied;  e.  g.^  avahyaradiy  karam  avajaniya 
matyamam  xsnasatiy  tya  adam  naiy  bardiya  amiy, 
Bh.  1.  51-53,  For  this  reaxon  he  icould  slay  tJce  peo- 
j)le^  ^''that  they  may  not  liiow  ine  that  I  am  not 
Bardiya. " 

The  use  of  tya  to  introduce  such  a  clause  is  par- 
allel with  the  original  use  of  iliat  introducing  a  sub- 
stantive clause  in  English,  i.  <:,,  the  clause  is  in  ap- 
position with  the  pronoun.  It  may  be  so  regarded 
in  karahy[a  naiy]  azda  abava  tya  bardiya  avajata, 
Bh.  1.  31-32,  It  was  not  known  to  the  people  that 
Bardiya  (was)  slain.  But  the  conjunctive  use  of  tya 
becomes  more  evident  in  the  sentence  cited  above, 
matyamam  xsnasatiy  tya  adam  naiy  bardiya  amiy, 
Bh.  1.  52-53,  That  tluy  may  not  Inovj  me.,  that  I  am. 
not  Bardiya. 

555.  What  seems  to  be  an  indirect  quotation  in- 
troduced by  ya^a  occurs  in  Bh.  4.  -t-l,  auramazd[am 
upavaJrtaiyHy"^  ya^a  ima  hasiyam  naiy  duruxtam 
adam  akuna[vam],  I  ajypeal  to  Ahura  Mazda  {to  wit- 
ness) that  this  {is)  true  and  not  false  {wJiich)  I  did. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Uses  of  the  Pronoun. 
1.  Personal. 


556.  The  pronoun  of  the  tirst  person  is  almost  al- 
ways expressed  Avith  a  verb  of  the  lirst  person,  per- 
haps to  emphasize  the  authority  of  the  king  or  chief 
who  makes  the  statement;  e.  ^.,  ava  adam  patipadam 


556-559]  l^sios  OF  Tin:  ritoxorN.  221 

akunavam,  l)li.  1.  <')!',  Thix  T put  in  {iti>)  pkiee;  ava^a 
a^aha  adam  bardiya  amiy,  Bh.  b.  4-5,  Thus  liemld^  "/ 
ion  ItOi'ifhja."  Vn\{  the  pronouii  luuy  be  oiuiltod,  as 
pasavasim  arbairaya  uzinayapati[yj  akunavam,  Bli.  2. 
90-J>l,  Aftencards  1  jjut  him  on  a  cross  in  Arhela. 
The  omission  of  the  pronoun  with  a  verb  of  the  first 
person,  however,  occurs  usually  where  the  pronoun 
has  been  expressed  with  the  verl)  of  a  preceding 
clause,  as  pasava  adam  karam  maskauva  avakanam 
aniyam  usabarim  akunavam  aniyahya  asam  franayam, 
Bh.  1.  80-87,  Afterwards  I  placed  unj  amnj  on  foats 
of  sli!ns,'  one  jyart  I  sri  on  eamdx^  for  ilw  ofhrr  ] 
l>rou(jht  horxi'^:  [avajhyaradiy  vayam  haxamanisiya 
^ahyamahy  haca  paruv[iyata  ajmata  amahy,  Bh.  1, 
6-8,  Tlwrtfore  we  are  called  the  Achcemenides ;  from 
long  ago  y:e  have  been  of  ancient  lineage. 

557.  In  each  of  the  places  where  vayam  is  used  it 
refers  to  the  royal  house,  as  in  the  sentence  just 
quoted.  But,  without  the  pronoun,  pasava  hamara- 
nam  akuma,  Bh.  2.  67-68,  Afterrwards  we  engaged  in 
hattJe;  tigram  viyatarayama,  Bh.  1.  88,  ^Ye  crossed 
the  Tigrix. 

558.  The  pronoun  of  the  second  person,  as  subject, 
is  expressed  only  in  the  oft-repeated  formula  tuvam 
ka  +  a  relative  clause  -f-  an  imperative  or  subjunc- 
tive; e.  r/.,  tuvam  ka  x[saya^iya  h]ya  aparam  ahy 
haca  drauga  darsam  patipayauva,  Bh.  4.  37-38,  TIioii 
(i-lio  ^ha/t  he  I'mg  In  t/ie  future^  jn-otect  tlnjseJfstrongJy 
from  deceit.  ])ut  yafdiy]  imam  di[pim]  vaina[hy] 
imaiva  patikara  naiydis  vikanahy,  Bh.  4.  72-73,  Jf 
thoK  sh((It  .sv  V  //i/'.s'  iiixrription>  or  tlwse  sculptures  {and) 
shalt  not  d'sfroij  thnn. 

559.  In  the  third  person  the  verb  occurs  either  with 


222  Syntax.  [559-562 

or  without  a  proDonuDul  suljjcct,  the  pronoun,  when 
used,  preserving  its  demonstrative  force;  e.  g.^  hauv 
xsaya^iya  abava,  Bh.  1.  4-7-48,  IL-  (=  this  man)  he- 
came  king;  ava^a  xsa^'am  agarbayata,  Bh.  1.  42-43, 
Then  he  seized  the  hlngdom. 

2.  Demonstrative. 

560.  To  Ije  classed  with  the  demonstratives,  and  yet 
serving  merely  as  unemphatic  pronouns  of  the  third 
person,  are  certain  enclitic  forms  occurring  only  in 
oblique  cases,  as  -dim,  -dis  (229.  b),  -sa,  -saiy,  -sam, 
-sim,  -sis.  The  distinction  between  these  and  pro- 
nouns of  demonstrative  force  is  evident  in  such  ex- 
amples as  the  following:  auramazda  [ya](9a  avaina 
imam  bumim  .  .  .  pasavadim  mana  frabara,  Dar. 
KRa.  31-33,  Ahura  Mazda^  wlun  he  saic  this  earthy 
afterwards  gave  it  to  me;  hauv  a^''[i]na  basta  anayata 
a[biy  m]am  adamsim  avajanam,  Bh.  1.  82-83,  This 
AQ''in(i  iras  led  to  ine  hound;  I ,dew  him;  avam  adam 
fraisayam  arminam  ava^asaiy  a^aham,  Bh.  2.  50,  Jlhn 
I  Sent  fortli.  to  Armenia;  thus  I  said  to  him. 

561.  The  pronoun  a  is  used  of  what  is  near  the 
speaker,  occurring  alwa3\s  with  bumi,  eartJi.,  except 
in  Bh.  4.  47,  where  it  belongs  to  dipi,  inscrij^tlon  : 
thus,  adam  xsayarsa  .  .  .  xsaya^iya  ahyaya  bumiya 
vazarkaya,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  6-0,  /  {am)  Xerxes.,  l-ing 
of  this  great  earth;  aniyasciy  vasiy  astiy  kartam  ava 
ahyaya  d[i]p[iy]a  naiy  nipistam,  Bh.  4.  4(3-47,  Jfuch 
else  iras  done;  that  (is)  not  written  on  this  inscription. 

562.  aita  is  used  to  refer  to  what  has  just  preceded; 
as,  aita  xsa^'am  tya  gaumata  hya  magus  adina  ka'bu- 
jiyam,  Bh.  1.  44-4."),  TJtis  l'!ngd<on  which  Gauindta 
tlie  Magian  took  from  Cand))/'«x  (/.  ^>. ,  the  kingdom 


562-564J  I'SKS  OF  TllK    PkoXOIX.  '2'2'.\ 

just  mentioned  in  1,  41);  aita  adam  yanarn  jadiyamiy, 
Dar.  Pcrs.  d.  20-21,  TJ,'ix  furor  (/.  r.,  the  preceding 
prayer)  /  ask. 

(a)  No  distinction  seems  to  be  made  between  aita 
and  ava  in  Dar.  NRu.  4S-.jO,  aita  t|yaj  kartam  ava 
visam  vasna  auramazdaha  akunavam,  77/ /y  (/.y)  irjiat 
{^ra»)  done;  all  t/ii.s  Ijij  thr  grace  of  Ahiira  Mazda 
I  did. 

563.  ana  is  found  only  in  Dar.  Pers.  e.  8-9,  hada 
ana  parsa  kara,  With  tJie  heJj)  of  this  l*ersian  amnj. 

564.  ava  and  ima.  Tlie  ancient  distinction  between 
ava,  referring  to  what  is  remote,  and  ima,  to  what  is 
near,  is  most  faithfully  preserved  in  the  oft-repeated 
religious  phrase  used  of  the  creation;  as,  baga  va- 
zarka  auramazda  hya  imam  bumim  ada  hya  avam 
asmanam  ada,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  1-2,  A  great  god  (/.s) 
Ahura  Mazda .^  who  created  this  earth.^  irho  created 
yonder  heaven.  But  in  many  other  phrases  also  this 
difference  of  the  two  pronouns  is  observable;  e.  </., 
avam  karam  jadiy  .  .  .  kara  hya  mana  avam  karam 
tyam  hami^'iyam  aja",  Bh.  3.  14-15,  17-18,  iSnute 
that  army;  'imj  ar)inj  smote  that  rebeUious  army;  so 
repeatedly  of  the  rebel  armies;  but  imam  parsam 
karam  padiy,  Dar.  Pers.  e.  21-22,  Protect  this  Persian 
army  {jxopie).  [a]vam  bardiyam,  Bh.  1.  31,  avam 
gaumatam,  Bh.  1.  49-50,  avam  vahyazdatam,  Bh.  3. 
47-4S,  are  common  references  to  the  king's  enemies; 
avaiy  ma  dausta  [bly]a,  Bh.  4.  69,  Be  not  a  friend  to 
those  {i.  e.,  the  deceiver  and  the  wrongdoer),*  tyaiy 
paruva  xsaya^[iya]  .  .  .  avaisam  ava  naiy  astiy 
kartam,  Bh.  4.  50-52,  Who  (were)  the  form<'r  hings^ 
l>y  those  nothing  was  thus  done.  But  hya  imam  taca- 
ram  akunaus,  Dar.  Pers.  a.  5-(),   TT7'6»  hnilt  this  j/ai- 


224  Syntax.  [564-566 

ace;  imam  duvar^im,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  12,  Tlds  col- 
onnade^ hya  aparam  imam  dipi[m]  patiparsahy,  Bh.  4. 
41-42,  ^Vlio  f<JiaH  hereafter  read  thlii  Inscription ;  imam 
ha"dugam,  Bh.  4.  54-55,  This  record;  imam  dahyaum, 
Dar.  Pers.  d.  15,  Tlih  countrij  (l.  e.,  Persia);  imam 
vi^am,  Dar.  Pers.  e.  24,  This  royal  house. 

565.  ava,  again,  is  used  frequently  in  resuming 
what  has  already  been  mentioned,  as  xsa^'^am  tya 
haca  amaxam  taumaya  parabartam  aha  ava  adam 
patipadam  akunavam,  Bh.  1.  61-02,  The  llngdom 
which  was  tahien  away  from  our  family^  this  I  jyut  in 
(its)  jylace;  tya  mana  kartam  uta  tyamaiy  pi^'^a  kar- 
tam  avasciy  auramazda  patuv,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  19-20, 

What  (was)  done  hy  me  and  what  {was)  done  hy  my 
father,  (all)  this  let  Ahura  Mazda  jyi'otect.  But  with 
ima  we  never  find  this  resumptive  force.  It  points 
either  forward  or  backw^ard;  e.  r/.,  Bh.  1.  13,  intro- 
ducing the  list  of  countries,  ima  dahyava  tya  mana 
[patjiyaisa",  These  (are)  the  countries  which  came  to 
me;  and,  ib.  L  18,  after  the  completion  of  the  list, 
we  find  again  ima  dahyava  tya  mana  pati[yaisa"]. 

566.  iyam  occurs  in  each  of  the  inscriptions  Bh. 
b — k,  to  direct  attention  to  the  accompanying  figure, 
iyam  gaumata,  iyam  a^'^ina,  etc.,  adurujiya,  77^/,;? 
Gaumdta,  this  AO'^lna,  etc.,  lied.  The  singular  is 
used  also  in  connection  with  a  plural;  e.  </.,  iyam 
saka,  Dar.  NRxv.,  This  the  Scythians;  iyam  maciya, 
Dar.  NRxxix.,  TJiis  the  Mavyes.  Elsewhere  also 
iyam  applies  to  what  is  near;  e.  </.,  iyam  dahyaus 
parsa  tyam  mana  auramazda  frabara,  Dar.  Pers.  d. 
6-8,  Tills  (Is)  the  counf/'y,  l\'rxl<i^  'udilch  Ahur<f  J/(/.~d(f 

'(/are  me.     It  is  ecpuvalcnt  to  ima  in  Dar.  Sz.  c.  8-10, 
adam  nifyasjtayam  imam  [yauviyajm  ka"tanaiy  .   .  . 


566-57OJ  TsiCS   OF   TIIK    ruoNOIN.  225 

pa[sava]  iyam  yauviya  [akaniy],  /  cnmuianded'  tu  dig 
t/iis  (■(!//((/ ;  (ifterii^ard^  this  aitiul  'tra.s  dag. 

567.  hauv.  This  pronoun  alwjiys  points  to  some- 
thing preceding,  either  by  ^vay  of  pronominal  repe- 
tition of  the  preceding  noun,  or  as  a  modifier  of  the 
noun  itself  repeated,  or  merely  as  a  demonstrative 
referring  to  what  has  already  been  mentioned;  e.  </., 
I  martiya  arxa  nama  .  .  .  hauv  udapatata  babirauv, 
Bli.  3.  T8-7i*,  O/ie  iiia/)^  Arllia  hy  uani<\,  he  ro.se  uj>  in 
Ucd)yJon;  pasava  hauv  vidarna  hada  kara  asiyava, 
Bh.  2.  21-22,  Aftenrards  this  Ilydarntx  (mentioned 
in  1.  I'J)  trhh  thie'ariny  went  away;  hauv  karahya 
ava^a  [a]durujiya,  Bh.  1.  38-39,  He  (Gamuata,  1.  36) 
tJms  deceived  tJie  jjeople. 

3.  Indetinite. 

568.  The  indetinite,  made  by  the  addition  of  the 
enclitic  -ciy  to  the  interrogative  ka,  occurs  only  in 
the  nominative  singular  masculine  and  the  accusative 
singular  neuter,  each  time  in  a  negative  clause;  e.  ^., 
kasciy  naiy  adarsnaus  cisciy  ^astanaiy,  Bh.  1.  53-54, 
Any  one  did  not  dare  to  say  anything. 

569.  The  enclitic  particle  -ciy  with  a  generalizing 
force  is  added  also  to  Siniya,  othe/\  ava,  th/s,  paru- 
v&m.,  for/nr/'/y,  and  hauv,  this;  e.  ^.,  [ap]imaiy  ani- 
yasciy  vasiy  astiy  kartam,  Bh.  4.  4(5-47,  StUl  mueh 
:'Jse  was  done  ly  )iic;  avasciy  auramazda  patuv,  Xerx. 
Pers.  a.  2(>,  (.l//)  th/'s  let  Ahura  Mazda  protect;  ya^a 
paruvamciy  ava^a  adam  akunavam,  Bh.  1.  63,  As  {it 
irax)  farnierly^  so  I  made  {it);  hauvciy  aura  nirasatiy 
ably  imam  vi^am,  Dar.  Pers.  e.  23-24,  This  [welfare] 
will  tJirougJi  Ahura  descend  upon  this  royal  house. 

570.  The  particle  ka  is  used  to  give  to  a  preceding 
15 


226  Syntax.  [570-571 

tuvam  a  general  or  indefinite  meaning;  e.  </.,  tuvam 
ka  hya  aparam  imam   dipi[iii]   patiparsahy,  Bh.    4. 

41-42,  Thou  v:]wever  shaU  ed-uinbie  this  i/tsc/'ijjtio?i  hi 
the  future. 

4.  Relative. 

571.  The  two  relatives  tya  and  hya  (352,  353)  are 
used  (1)  to  introduce  a  true  relative  clause;  (2)  to 
join  to  a  noun  a  modifying  adjective,  case-form, 
phrase,  or  appositive.  In  the  latter  use  the  pronoun 
became  virtually  a  definite  article. 

(1)  Examples  of  the  true  relative  are:  xsa^'am  tya 
haca  amaxam  taumaya  parabartam  aha  ava  adam  pati- 
padam  akunavam,  Bh.  1.  61-62,  Tlte  Jihujdoni  which 
was  taJieu  a  1  cay  from  our  fun  Hy^  this  I  put  in  {its) 
place,'  baga  vazarka  auramazda  hya  imam  bumim 
ada,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  1-2,  A  great  gad  (is)  Ahura 
Mazda.,  who  created  this  earth. 

(2)  The  use  of  the  pronoun  as  a  definite  article  is 
illustrated  in  the  following: 

(a)  With  adjective  modifier:  pa^im  tyam  rastam  ma 
avarada,  Dar.  NRa.  58-60,  Do  not  leave  the  true  path; 
pasava  kara  hya  babiruviya  haruva  abiy  avam  nadi"- 
tabairam  asiyava,  Bh.  1.  T'J-SO,  Afterwards  tlie  whole 
Babylonian  ai^my  went  over  to  that  Nadintu-Bel. 

(b)  With  modifying  case-form:  karam  tyam  fra- 
vartais  adam  ajanam,  Bh.  2.  68-69,  Tlte  army  of 
Phraortes  I  smote;  xsa^'am  tya  babirauv  hauv  agar- 
bayata,  Bh.  1.  80-81,  The  lingdom  in  Balylon  he 
seized;  kara  hya  mana  ava[m  k]aram  tyam  hami^""!- 
yam  aja",  Bh.  2.  35-36,  My  army  smote  that  rehellious 
army. 

(c)  With  modifying  phrase:  kara  parsa  hya  v'^a- 


571-574]  T'SKS  OF  THK   Proxoi'N.  227 

patiy  haca  yadaya  fratarta,  Bh.  3.  2G,  TJie  Pcralan 
aiiin/  ill  the  palace  departed  frovn  their  loyalty. 

(d)  With  an  ai)[)()siti\c:  adam  .  .  .  avam  gauma- 
tam  tyam  magum  avajanam,  l)h.  1.  50-^)7,  I sh  m  that 
GawnMa  the  Ma(jian;  adam  bardiya  amiy  hya  kuraus 
pu^'a  ka"bujiyahya  br[a|ta,  lib.  1.  30-40,  I  am  Bar- 
diya the  son  of  Cyrus^  the  brother  of  Cambyses  (hya 
not  repeated  with  the  second  appositive). 

572.  Since  the  vei'b  ah,  Jc,  may  be  omitted  in  the 
rehitive  chiuse(cf.  539.2,a)',we  cannot  always  be  sm*e 
which  of  the  two  uses  of  the  relative  we  have.  In 
Bh.  2.  30-31  the  pronoun  seen)s  to  serve  in  both 
functions  at  once:  kara  hya  hami^'iya  mana  naiy 
gaubataiy,  Hie  rehellioas  army  which  does  iiot  call 
it><ilf  mine. 

573.  The  relative  with  a  modifying  word  may  oc- 
cur with  the  substantive  understood;  e.  g.^  adam  tya 
paraba[rta]m  patiyabaram,  Bh.  1.  67-68,  /  hroucjld 
hack  that  taken  away.  Even  with  the  true  relative 
clause,  the  antecedent  may  be  omitted;  as,  patikara 
didiy  tyai[y]  ga^um  bara"tiy,  Dar.  NRa.  41-4-2,  Look 
at  the  2>'ctiirv-'<  {of  those)  vho  are  hearincj  the  throne. 

5.  Adverbs  from  Pronominal  Stems.. 

574.  The  demonstrative  or  relative  notion  may  oc- 
cur in  adverbial  expressions.  Hence  certain  adverbs 
are  made  on  the  same  stems  as  the  pronouns  of  these 
classes;  thus,  from  demonstratives  ada,  tJien.^  and 
with  suffix  -kaiy  (cf .  Grk.  ttoi  from  I.  E.  *ko)  adakaiy, 
then^  ava,  thns^  ava^a,  thus^  then.,  avada,  there.,  ida, 
here.  Sometimes  an  adverb  is  made  by  a  combina- 
tion of  a  pronominal  case  form  with  another  word; 
as,  avapara,  there  hefore  (ava,  ace.  sg.  +  P^^a),  ava- 


228  Syntax.  [574-578 

hyaradiy,  therefore  (avahya  for  loc.  sg.  +  *radiy,  loc. 
sg.),  pasava,  afterward><  (pasa  -\-  ace.  so^.  ava),  hya- 
param,  thereafter  (hya,  aT)l.  sg.  n.  +  *para).  So  also 
the  conjunctive  adverb  matya  (580). 

575.  The  original  Indo-European  relative  *yo  sur- 
vived in  Ancient  Persian  only  in  the  relative  ad- 
verbial forms;  e.  g.^  yata,  vhUe,  yaOa.,  vJicn^  yadiy, 
if;  also  the  locative  yanaiy,  ivliereon. 

576.  Connected  with  the  interrogative-indetinite 
pronoun  is  the  adverb  cita,  so  long. 

577.  Certain  of  these  adverbs  occur  as  correlatives; 
e.  (/.,  ya^a  paruvamciy  ava^a  adam  akunavam,  Bh.  1. 
63,  As  {!t  was)  formerly^  .so  I  made  {it);  pasava 
vaumisa  cita  mam  amanaya  arminiya[iy]  yata  adam 
arasam  madam,  Bh.  2.  Q'l-'o'd.,  Afterwards  Yaiu/iisa 
so  Jong  aioaited  me  in  Armenia  until  I  came  to 
Media. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Negatives,  Connectives,  Enclitics. 

1.  Negatives. 

578.  Of  the  two  Ancient  Persian  negatives,  ma  is 
used  with  either  the  optative  or  the  injunctive  to  ex- 
press a  prohibition,  naiy  in  all  other  negative  expres- 
sions; e.  (/.,  utataiy  tauma  ma  biya,  Bh.  4.  58-59,  A/id 
may  there  tiot  he  unto  thee  a  family;  ma  apagaudaya, 
Bh.  4.  5-i,  Do  not  conceal  (if);  avam  karam  tyam 
madam  jata  hya  mana  naiy  gaubatajy,  Bh.  2.  20-21, 
Smite  that  j\Itdl<(n  army  ivhivh  does  not  call  it-self 
mine;  yaOa.  gaumata  hya  magus  v*^am  tyam  amaxam 
naiy  parabara,  lih.  1.  70-71,  7'hal  Gaun/ata  the  Ma- 


578-582]  Nbgativrs.  22!) 

(j'tuti  might  not  tal'c  <iir<ii/  oiw  r(>ii<d  liounej   ya|diy| 
.  .  .  naiydis  vikanahy,  lili.  4.   72-7-},  If  thou  nhalt 

ttot  dvxtl'oy  tin  in. 

579.  lioth  ma  aud  naiy  may  ])e  repeated  in  the  sense 
of  not  .  .  .  no)'^  or  neitJur  .  .  .  vor,'  e.  ^.,  abiy  imam 
dahyaum  ma  ajamiya  ma  ha[ijna  ma  dusiyaram  [m]a 
drauga,  Dar.  Pors.  d.  lS-20,  JI((i/'not  an  evil  Jiost,  voi' 
famine.,  -nor  deceit  come  xipon  this  coimtrij,'  naiy  aha 
martiya  naiy  parsa  naiy  mada  naiy  amaxam  taumaya 
kasciy,  V>\\.  1.  48-40,  There  vyrs  not  a  man^  ncitJor  a 
Persian  nor  a  Median.,  twr  any  one  of  our  family. 

580.  matya,  a  combination  of  ma  and  tya  (in  its 
coujuuc'tive  use),  is  used  with  a  subjunctive  in  ex- 
pressions of  negative  purpose,  and  in  negative  com- 
mands; e.  (f/.,  matyamam  xsnasatiy,  Bh,  1.  52,  Tliat 
\fJie2)(-'<U>^<^  tn<iy  not  Txiuno  me;  matya  vikanahy,  Bh. 
4.  71,  Thou  shalt  not  destroy  {them). 

581.  After  matya,  naiy  may  occur  where  the  mean- 
ing is /r.s-^  .  .  .  not;  ( .  J/. ,  mat[ya]  .  .  .  avahya  paruv 
^a[daya  tya]  mana  kartam  nais[im]  ima  varnavataiy, 
Bh.  4.  48-49,  Lest  to  hint  vlait  has  heen  done  l>y  me 
should  seem  too  nuich  {arid)  it  should  not  convince 
him. 

2.  Coordination. 

582.  The  Ancient  Persian  has  three  conjunctions 
used  to  connect  coordinate  elements  of  a  sentence, 
two  copulative,  uta  and  -ca,  and  one  alternative,  -va. 
-ca  is  a  weaker  connective  than  uta  and  is  not  found 
between  claui^es.  Each  of  these  may  be  repeated 
with  correlative  force:  uta  .  .  .  uta,  -ca  .  .  .  -ca, 
hoth  .  .  .  a)Hl;  -va  .  .  .  -va,  either  .  .  .  or. 

Examples  of  these  uses  are  the  following:  adam 
karam  parsam  uta  madam  fraisayam,  Bh.  2.   81-82, 


230  Syntax.  [582-584 

I  sent  forth  the  Permin  and  Median  ai'iiny;  avada 
aistata  uta  abis  naviya  aha,  Bli.  1.  85-S6,  TIk  re  he 
liidttd  and  tJirrrly  vas  a  flotilla,'  abicaris  gai^amca 
maniyamca  v'^'^b^'isVa,  Bh.  1,  64-65,  The  revenue  {'() 
and  tlie  personal  2^'''>J)erty  and  the  e><tat<s  and  the 
royal  residences  {I  restored) ;  ya[diy]  imam  di[pim] 
vama[hy]  imaiva  patikara,  Bh.  4.  72-73,  If  thou  shall 
see  thh  inscription  or  these  scuJptvres;  martiya  [hya] 
draujana  ahatiy  hyava  [zu]rakara++  ahatiy,  Bh.  4. 
68-69,  WJiatever  man  shall  he  a  deceiver  or  whoever 
shall  he  a  wrongdoer;  pasava  gaumata  hya  magus 
adina  ka"bujiyam  uta  parsam  uta  madam  uta  aniya 
dahyava,  Bh.  1.  46-47,  Afterwards  Gaumata  the 
Mayian  took  from  Camhyses  hoth  Persia  and  M(^dia 
and  the  other  provinces;  adam  karam  ga^ava  ava- 
stayam  parsam[c]a  madam[c]a  uta  aniya  dahyava, 
Bh.  1.  66-67,  I  estahlished  the  state  on,  {its)  founda- 
tions, hotJi  Pe?'sia  and  JLdia,  and  the  otlier  jrrovinces; 
[tyajsam  hacama  a^ahya  xsapava  raucapativa  ava 
akunavaya"ta,  Bh.  1.  19-20,  ^Yhat  was  commanded  to 
them  hy  me  either  hy  night  or  hy  day,  this  they  did. 

583.  Similarly  the  negative  has  connective  force  in 
naiy  .  .  .  naiy,  neither  .  .  .  nor;  e.  g.,  naiy  parsa 
naiy  mada  naiy  amaxam  taumaya  kasciy,  Bh.  1.  49, 
Neither  a  Persian  nor  a  Median  nor  any  one  of  our 
family. 

584.  Demonstrative  pronouns  and  adverbs  serve 
often  to  link  clauses  without  conjunctions;  c.  g., 
avada  adaraya  hauv  duvitiyama  udapatata,  Bh.  3. 
23-24,  Here  he  dnuAt ;  he  was  the  )<ec(>nd  t<>  ri'<e  against 
me;  kara  hya  nadi"tabairahya  tigram  adaraya  avada 
aistata,  Bh.  1.  8."),  TJie  army  of  Nidintu-Bel  held  the 
Tigris;  there  he  halted. 


585-587I  Enclitics.  231 

585.  But  usyiuleton  is  common;  e.  </.,  adam  karam 
maskauva  avakanam  aniyam  usabarim  akunavam 
aniyahya  asam  franayam  aura[inazjdainaiy  upas[t]am 
abara,  r>h.  1.  86-88,  1 2>^actd  my  aruaj  on  f'xtix  of 
sVvni^;  one  part  I  set  on  camels;  f»r  the  other  I 
brought  horses;  Ahura  Mazda  lore  me  aid. 

3.  Enclitics. 

586.  Under  the  discussion  of  the  su>)ject  of  accent 
(118)  it  was  pointed  out  that  from  Indo-European 
times,  in  the  empliasizing  of  certain  parts  of  a  sen- 
tence to  the  neglect  of  others,  the  words  that  fell  in 
the  unemphatic  positions  might  lose  their  accent  and 
become  proclitics  or  enclitics.  The  survival  of  such 
unaccented  words  in  Ancient  Persian  is  evident  from 
the  omission  of  the  word-divider  in  many  places  be- 
tween certain  prepositions,  adverbs,  conjunctions, 
particles,  or  pronouns,  and  the  words  with  which 
they  are  closely  connected  in  sense.  Often  also  final 
-a  is  written  -a  before  an  enclitic,  as  manaca  for  mana 
-f  ca,  avadasim  for  avada  -f  sim  (but  probably  orig- 
inally *mana,  *avada;  cf.  61,  310).  Yet  we  find  ha- 
cama,  ava^asam,  etc.  Furthermore,  the  enclitic  value 
of  these  unaccented  words  is  sometimes  indicated  by 
the  treatment  of  finals  before  them;   see  66.  1.  a.; 

227,  229,  b. 

587.  We  have  but  few  examples  of  the  union  of 
prepositions  with  following  words,  and  these  are 
usually  classed  as  adverbial  compounds  rather  than 
examples  of  the  proclitic  preposition.  Such  are 
fraharavam,  hi  all  (fra  +  *harava  =  haruva);  pati- 
padam,  in  its  oim  place  (patiy  +  *pada);  and,  with 
vowel  contraction,  pasava,  afterwards  (pasa  -f  ava). 


232  Syntax.  [588-592 

588.  Of  prepositions  the  postpositive  -a,  in^  -patiy, 
at^  and  -para,  along^  are  joined  as  enclitics  to  the 
preceding  word ;  e.  g.,  drauga  dahyauva  vasiy  abava, 

Bh.  1.  34,  Tliere  was  deceit  to  a  yreat  extent  hi  the 
land;  avapara  asiyava,  Bh.  2,  72,  Along  there  he 
went;  avadasis  uzmayapatiy  akunavam,  Bh.  3.  52, 
Here  I  put  them  on  the  cross.  But  patiy  is  also  writ- 
ten separately,  as,  mahya  jiyamnam  patiy,  Bh.  2. 
61-62,  At  the  end  of  the  month. 

589.  The  adverb  patiy  occurs  sometimes  as  an  in- 
dependent word,  sometimes  as  enclitic;  e.  ^.,  patiy 
^'itiyam  ha[m]i^''[iya]  ha"ginata,  Bh.  2.  43,  Again  for 
the  third  time  tlie  rebels  came  together;  tyapatiy  kar- 
tam  vainataiy  naibam,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  15-16,  'What 
tcorl\  again,  seems  beautiful. 

590.  The  conjunctions  -ca  and  -va  are  enclitic;  e.  g., 
vasna  auramazdaha  manaca,  Dar.  Pers.  d.  !>-10,  By 
the  grace  of  Ahura  2[azda  and  of  me;  yadiy  iin[a]m 
dipim  imaiva  patikara  vainahy,  Bh.  4.  77,  If  thou 
sJialt  see  this  inscription  or  these  sculptures. 

591.  The  particle  -ciy  is  always  enclitic;  e.  </.,  kas- 
ciy  naiy  adarsnaus  cisciy  ^astanaiy,  Bh.  1.  53-54,  Any 
one  did  not  dare  to  say  anything. 

592.  Of  the  forms  of  the  first  personal  pronoun, 
mam,  ma,  and  maiy  occur  as  enclitics,  mam,  however, 
only  once,  Bh.  1.  52,  matyamam  xsnasatiy,  That 
[tlie  peopU'^  may  not  lnoir  nir.  ma  is  regularly  joined 
to  haca,  as  ya^asam  hacama  a^ahya,  Bh.  1.  23-24,  As 
it.  was  commanded  to  them  by  me.  -maiy  is  very  fre- 
quent; e.  g.,  auramazdamaiy  upastam  abara,  Bh.  2.  24- 
25,  Ahura  Mazda  bore  me  aid.  So  also  in  the  second 
person,  -taiy(-tay);  e.  </.,  hauvtaiy  gasta  ma  ^adaya, 
NRa.  57-58,  2Iay  this  not  seem  to  thee  repug/ia/it. 


593-5951  Woui)  OurtKR.  2:\:\ 

593.  The  forms  of  the  uncmphatic  pronoun  of  tlio 
third  person  are  ahnost  always  enclitic;  e.  fj.,  ava6'a- 
saiy  a^aham,  lili.  2.  50,  T/niti  I  mid  to  him;  pasava- 
dim  mana  frabara,  Dur,  Nliii.  33,  Aftemmrds  he  gace 
it  to  me;  naiydis  vikanahy,  Bh.  4.  73,  [Tf\  thon  sh/dt 
not  destroy  them;  [ajdamsam  xsaya^iya  aham,  Bh. 
1.  14,  I icas  king  of  tJum ;  avadasim  avajanam,  Bh. 
1.  59,  Here  I  smote  him;  avadasis  uzmayapatiy  aku- 
navam,  Bh.  3.  52,  Here  I jmt  them  on  tJie  cross.  So 
also  -sa,  abl.  sg.,  in  haca  avadasa,  as  haca  avadasa 
karam  ayasata,  Bh.  3.  42-43,  J^rom  thence  he  took  an 
army. 

(a)  Only  dis  occurs  as  an  independent  word,  and 
that  in  but  three  places,  Bh.  4.  34,  35,  36. 


CHAPTER  XVm. 

Word  Order. 


594.  The  statement  of  certain  and  definite  rules 
for  A\  ord  order  in  Ancient  Persian  is  rendered  diffi- 
cult by  the  meagerness  of  the  data  upon  which  our 
conclusions  are  based.  Many  word  groups  were 
doubtless  made  according  to  the  formulas  of  official 
phraseology,  while  in  other  groups,  as  we  shall  see, 
there  was  allowed  a  considerable  latitude  of  arrange- 
ment, according  to  the  relation  of  the  parts  and  the 
degree  of  emphasis  l)elonging  to  each. 

1.  Nouns  in  Apposition. 

595.  A  proper  name  commonly  precedes  its  apposi- 
tive  with  or  without  a  connecting  tya  or  hya  (571); 


234  Syntax.  [595598 

e.  y.,  darayavaus  xsaya^iya,  Bh.  1.  1  (et  passim), 
Darius  the  king;  gaumata  hya  magus,  Bh.  1.  44, 
Gaumata  the  Mag'mn.  With  martiya,  the  proper 
name  follows  with  nama,  as  I  martiya  magus  aha 
gaumata  nama,  Bh.  1.  36,  There  v:as  one  man,  a  3Ia- 
(jiaji,  GaumCita  hy  name.  Appositives  are  often  sep- 
arated by  the  verb,  as  in  the  sentence  just  quoted. 

596.  With  nama  (nama)  in  other  places  we  find 
usually  the  name  first  and  the  explanatory  word  last 
in  the  phrase,  thus:  sika[ya]iivatis  nama  dida  nisaya 
nama  dahyaus,  Bh.  1.  58-59,  {There  u)  a  strongliold, 
Sihayauvatl  hy  name,  {there  is)  a  province,  Nimija  hy 
name;  [vijdarna  nama  parsa  mana  ba"daka,  Bh.  2. 
19-20,  Ilydarnes  hy  name,  a  Persian,  my  suhject. 

2.  The  Noun  and  Its  Modifier. 

597.  The  Adjective  Modifier.  Demonstrative  pro- 
nouns, adjectives  following  the  pronominal  declen- 
sion, and  numerals  regularly  precede  their  substan- 
tives; e.  g.,  avam  karam  tyam  hami^''iyam  aja",  Bh. 
2.  25-26,  [J/(/  arrny^  smote  that  rehellious  army;  hya 
aniya  kara  parsa,  Bh.  3.  32,  The  rest  of  the  Persian 
army;  bagayadais  mahya  X  raucabis,  Bh.  1.  55-56, 
Ten  days  in,  the  month  Bagayddi;  aivam  parunam 
xsaya^iyam,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  4-5,  One  king  of  many; 
I  martiya  magus,  Bh.  1.  36,  One  man,  a  Magian.  In 
one  place,  where  a  total  is  given  at  the  end  of  a  list, 
the  numeral  folfows,  fraharavam  dahyava  XXIII,  Bh. 
1.  17,  Provinces  in  all  tveiity-three. 

598.  All  other  adjectives  follow  the  substantives 
M'ith  or  without  tya  or  hya  (571);  e.  g.,  xsayaWya 
vazarka,  Bh.  1.  1  (et  passim),  The  great  king;  karam 
parsam  uta  madam  fraisayam,  Bh.   2.  81-82,  /  sent 


598-601]  Word  Order.  235 

fitrtli  tie  Pirfiian  and  Median  army;  kara  hya  babi- 
ruviya  haruva,  Bh.  1.  7i>-80,  Hie  whole  Babylonian 
p'ople. 

599.  Dependent  Case  Forms.  A  modifying  geni- 
tive commonly  precedes,  ])ut  occasionally  follows, 
the  noun  to  which  it  helongs;  f.  r/.,  hya  kuraus  pu^'a, 
Bh,  1.  30,  The  i>(>n  of  Cyrxi^;  hauv  mart[iya]  hya 
avahya  karahya  ma^[ista  a]ha,  Bh.  3.  70,  Tliis  man 
iclo  teas  chief  of  tliat  army;  xsaya^iya  xsaya^iya- 
nam,  Bh.  a.  1-2,  King  ofllmja;  VIII  mana  taumaya, 
Bh.  a.  l-t-15,  Ehjht  of  my  family.  The  genitive 
usually  follows  when  it  is  connected  with  its  sub- 
stantive by  tya;  so  also  souietimes  with  hya;  e.  g.^ 
kara  hya  mana  avam  karam  tyam  vahyazdatahya  aja", 
Bh.  3.  38-30,  2fy  army  smote  that  army  of  Yahyaz- 
dCita.  In  one  place  an  adverb  intervenes  between  a 
genitive  modifier  and  its  noun,  par[sa]h[ya]  martiya- 
hya  duraiy  arst[i]s  paragmata,  Dar.  KRa.  43-45,  TJce 
spear  of  a  Persian  'man  has  gone  forth  afar. 

600.  A  modifying  locative  usually  follows  the  noun 
to  which  it  belongs;  e.  g.^  xsaya^iya  parsaiy,  Bh.  1. 
2,  King  in  Persia;  dahyaus  madaiy,  Bh.  2.  28,  A 
provhiee  in  JLedla.  But  we  find  also  adam  imanis 
amiy  uvajaiy  xsaya^iya,  Bh.  f.  3-7,  1  am  Imanlsh^ 
I'lng  in  Susltrna. 

601.  The  Relative  Clause.  The  relative  clause  fol- 
lows the  noun  to  which  it  be''ongs;  e.  g.,  avam  karam 
hya  darayavahaus  xsaya^iyahya  gaubataiy,  Bh.  3. 
58-59,  27iat  army  which  calls  itself  of  Darius  the 
I'lng.  But  the  antecedent  may  be  taken  over  into 
the  relative  clause;  e.  f/.,  tyaisaiy  fratama  martiya 
anusiya  aha"ta,  Bh.  1.  57-58,  Wluit  fu  re  most  men  were 
his  allies.     Cf.  ma[r]tiya  tyaisaiy  fratama  anusiya 


236  Syntax.  [6oi  605 

aha"ta,  Bh.  2.   77,    The  men  who  %oere  his  foremost 
allies. 

3.  Subject,  Complement,  and  Verb. 

602.  The  usual  order  of  the  Ancient  Persian  sen- 
tence is-  (1)  Subject,  (2)  Object  or  Predicate  Nomina- 
tive, (3)  Verb.  The  indirect  ol^ject  may  precede  or 
follow  the  direct.  The  following  are  examples  of  the 
normal  order:  auramazda  xsa^'"am  mana  frabara,  Bh. 
1.  60-61,  Ahum  ^[azdii  gare  'in>'  the  I'nujdom;  aura- 
mazdamaiy  upastam  abara,  Bh.  1.  5.5,  Ahura  Mazda 
lore  me  aid.     (On  the  position  of  -maiy  see  611).- 

603.  Very  rarely,  except  in  the  oft-repeated  intro- 
ductory formula  with  ^atiy,  says,  do  we  find  the  verb 
preceding  its  subject;  so,  ^atiy  darayavaus,  Bh.  1.  6, 
(et  passim),  Says  Darius;  naiy  aha  martiya,  Bh.  1. 
48,  There  was  not  a  man  (where  aha  denotes  exist- 
ence); ably  imam  dahyaum  ma  ajamiya  ma  ha[i]na 
ma  dusiyaram  [m]a  drauga,  Dar.  Pers.  d.  18-19,  Jfay 
there  come  ttpon  this  land  iieitlier  an  evil  host  nor 
famine  nor  deceit. 

604.  The  direct  object,  especially  when  the  empha- 
sis falls  on  it,  may  precede  the  subject;  e.  (/.,  avam 
nadi°tabairam  adam  babirauv  avaja[nam],  Bh.  2.  4-5, 
That  Xadinta-Bii  I shw  in  Balyhm.  So  often  with 
an  imperative  in  a  prayer,  as  imam  dahyaum  aura- 
mazda patuv,  Dar.  Pers.  d.  l.")-!!).  This  c<nnifri/  J,f 
Ahiira  Jfarsda  jn'otect;  aitamaiy  auramazda  dadatuv,, 
Dar,  NRa.  64-55,  Thi.s  1(4  Ah  nra  Mazda  give  me: 

605.  The  object  is  foimd  more  rarely  after  the 
vcrl);  e.  </.,  v'staspa  ayasata  avam  karam,  Bli.  3.  4, 
Tlystaspes  tooh  that  army.  Of  two  ol)jccts,  one  may 
precede  and  the  other  follow  the  vcrl);  c.  (/.,  vivanam 


605-608]  Woun  Ordek.  237 

jata  uta  avam  karam,  Bh.  3.  58,  Smite  Vhfi/ia  <iinJ 
that  aninj.  But  the  two  accusatives  (one  of  the 
tliins:,  the  other  of  the  person)  both  precede  in  aita 
adam  auramazdam  jadiyamiy,  Dar.  NRn.  53-54,  This 
I  'pro [I  of  Ah  ura  Mazda. 

606.  The  predicate  nominative,  \vhether  substan- 
tive or  adjective,  always  precedes  the  verb;  e.  (/., 
hauv  xsaya^iya  abava,  Bh.  1.  47-48,  lie  hecatne  king; 
[ajdamsam  xsaya^iya  aham,  Bli.  1.  14,  /  vas  himj 
of  them;  babirus  hami^'iya  abava,  Bh.  1.  80,  Bahylmi 
became  rehelUous. 

4.  The  Verb  and  Its  ^Modifiers. 

607.  The  modifiers  of  the  verb  show  great  freedom 
of  position,  occurring  first  in  the  sentence,  or  between 
the  subject  or  o1)ject  and  the  verb,  or  after  the  verb, 
with  little  difference  of  meaning  or  emphasis;  e.  9., 
patiy  duvitiyam  hami^'iya  ha"gniata,  Bh.  2.  57-5'^, 
Again  a  second  time  the  r<d)'ls  came  together;  adam 
karam  maskauva  avakanam,  Bh.  1.  86,  I  placed  my 
army  on  floats  of  shins;  hauv  udapatata  babirauv, 
Bh.  1.  78,  ITe  i'<»<e  vp  in  BohyJo,,;  adam  nijayam 
haca  babiraus  asiyavam  madam  ya^a  madam  parara- 
sam,  Bh.  2.  64-G5,  1  icent from  lj(djylon^  I vnt  an'ny 
to  Media;  v'Jirn  I  vent  to  Media  .^  etc.;  adam  karam 
parsam  fraisayam  ably  v'staspam  haca  ragaya,  Bh.  3. 
1-3,  I seid  forth  the  Per^^ian  aritiy  to  Jfystasjyes  front 
lif-rgft. 

608.  Adverbs  that  connect  with  a  preceding  sen- 
tence naturally  stand  first  in  the  clause;  so  pasava, 
ava^a,  avada;  but  ava^a  is  placed  after  the  verb 
when  its  correlative  ya^a  follows,  if  we  read  cor- 
rectly  iyam   yauviya    [akaniy]    ava[^a    yaj^a   adam 


238  SiiXTAx.  [608-611 

niyastayam,  Dar.  Sz.  c.   lu-11,   Thin  canal  im><  dug 
thus,  as  1'  commanded. 

609.  The  infinitive  alwa3^s  follows  the  verb  on 
which  it  depends;  e.  g.,  hauv  fravartis  .  .  .  ais  had[aj 
kara  patis  mam  hamaranam  cartanaiy,  13h.  2.  6G-6T, 
T/tis  Phraortes  .  .  .  went  with  (his)  army  afjainst 
one  to  engage  in  hattle,'  ima  stanam  hauv  niyastaya 
ka^tanaiy,  Xerx.  Van.  20-21,  TJiis  2)lace  lie  coiJt- 
manded  to  dig  out. 

610.  The  negatives  naiy  and  ma  precede  the  word 
or  phrase  to  which  they  belong;  e.  g.,  naiy  aha  mar- 
tiya,  Bh.  1.  4S,  There  was  not  a  iiain;  ya^a  ima 
hasiyam  naiy  duruxtam  adam  akuna[vam],  Bh.  4. 
44-45,  Tliat  this  {Is)  true  {and)  oa^t  false  {which)  I 
did:  hauvtaiy  gasta  ma  ^adaya,  Dar.  NRa.  57-58, 
Jda//  this  not  seem  to  thee  repugnant. 

5.  The  Position  of  Enclitics. 

611.  Enclitics,  aside  from  those  W'hich  belong  par- 
ticularly to  certain  words  or  phrases,  tend  to  occupy 
the  second  place  in  the  clause.  This  is  almost  inva- 
riably the  position  of  the  enclitic  pronoun;  e.  g., 
auramazdamaiy  upastam  abara,  Bh.  2.  3!»-40,  Ahura 
Mazda  ho  re  me  aid;  aitamaiy  auramazda  dadatuv, 
Dar.  NEa.  54-55,  This  let  AJuira  Ifitzda  gire  nw; 
auramazdatay  jata  biya  utataiy  tauma  ma  biya,  Bh.  4. 
58-59,  Hay  Ahura  Maxda  he  a  sm/ter  to  thee,  and 
may  there  not  he  unto  thee  a  family;  avamsam  ma- 
^istam  akunavam,  Bh.  3.  31-32,  Him  I  made  chief 
of  them;  pasavasaiy  adam  uta  naham  uta  gausa  fra- 
janam  utasaiy  [ujcasma  avajam,  Bh.  2.  8S-S!»,  After- 
wards I  cut  off  his  ouhse  and  ears  and  put  out  Ms  eyes. 

This  rule  is  followed  even  when  it  seems  to  dis- 


611-613]  Word  Ordkk,  239 

arrange  the  natural  order  of  words;  e.  </.,  haruvasim 
kara  avaina,  Bh.  2.  75-76,  All  the  2>eople  saw  him; 
utamaiy  tya  pita  akunaus,  Xerx.  Pers.  a.  15,  And 

what  mij  faihcr  did. 

6.  The  Interrupted  Sentence. 

612.  A  noticea])le  feature  of  the  word  order  in 
many  phicos  of  the  insi-riptions  is  the  interruption 
of  a  sentence  by  the  mention  of  a  man,  a  time,  or  a 
phicc,  after  which  the  sentence  is  resumed,  usually 
with  a  demonstrative  pronoun  or  adverb;  e.  ^.,  ya^a 
adam  gaumatam  tyam  magum  avajanam  pasava  I  mar- 
tiya  a^'^ina  nama  upadara"mahya  pu^'a  hauv  udapa- 
ta[ta],  Bh.  1.  73-71,  Wlmi  I  sleio  Gaumata  the  Ma- 
(jiiiit^  afteru'cirds^  one  man^  A6''ina  l)y  iiame^  the  son 
of  Ujxidan({n)iiia^  he  rose  up;  xsa^'"am  hauv  agar- 
bayata  garmapadahya  mahya  IX  raucabis  ^akata  aha** 
ava^a  xsa^''am  agarbayata,  Bh.  1.  41-i3,  lie  sclztd  the 
l^lnijdoni — nine  days  in  the  month  Gaiinajxida  were 
completing  their  course — then  he  seized  the  li)ujdom; 
I  martiya  vahyazdata  nama  tarava  nama  vardanam 
yautiya  nama  dahyaus  parsaiy  avada  adaraya,  Bh.  3. 
22-23,  One  man,  Yahyazdata  hy  name — a  town,  TU- 
ravti  by  name, — a  province,  Yautiya  hy  name,  in  Per- 
sia^— here  he  dtoelt. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

The  Anciekt  Persian  Months. 

613.  Fkom  the  Babylonian  version  of  the  Behistan 
Inscription  it  is  possible  to  identify  live  of  the  An- 
cient Persian  months,  as  follows: 


240  Ancient  Persian  Months.  [613-615 

^uravahara  (*^ura,  rujorous^  +  *vahara,  sprmgtime) 
=  lyyar  (Bab,  aiyaru),  April-May. 

^aigarci  =  Sivjin  (Bab.  simannu),  May-June. 

a^^'iyadiya  (*atar,  fre,  +  *yadiya,  worship)  =  Kis- 
lev  (Bab.  kislimu),  November-December. 

anamaka  (a  +  *namaka,  month  of  the  liameless^ 
i.  6.,  the  highest,  god)  =  Tebet  (Bab.  tebetu),  De- 
cember-January. 

viyaxna  =  Adar  (Bal).  addaru),  February-March. 

614.  From  the  recently  discovered  Aramaic  Papy- 
rus fragments  of  the  Behistan  Inscription  Professor 
Tolman  (AJP  XXXII,  444ff,  1911)  was  al)le  to  iden- 
tify the  Ancient  Persian  month  garmapada  with  Tam- 
muz  (Bab.  duzu),  thus  making  it  certain  that  garma- 
pada (*garma,  heat^  -f-  *pada,  station)  corresponds  to 
the  season  of  June-July.  His  identification  has  now 
been  accepted  l)y  philologists  and  historians. 

615.  This  leaves  three  Ancient  Persian  months 
still  unidentified.  The  Elamite  markazanas  (Ancient 
Persian  mutilated)  may,  according  to  the  view  of 
Weissbach  (ZDMG  62,  637),  correspond  to  the  eighth 
Babylonian  month  arahsamna,  October-November, 
while  bagayadi  (baga,  god^  -\-  *yada,  worshij^),  as 
Oppert  and  Marquart  have  held,  may  be  the  same  as 
the  seventh  Babylonian  month  tisritu,  September- 
October.  The  season  of  the  month  adukanisa  (kan, 
dig)  is  even  more  uncertain. 


GENERAL  INDEX. 


(Numbers   refer  t«»  sections.) 


Ablative,  245;  Nouns,  251,  256,  260, 
271,  275:  Pronouns,  1st  pers.,  311; 
2d  pers,  324;  529. 

Ablaut,  1 19fif. 

Accent,  llSflf.,  239;  Syllable,  116; 
Word,  117;  Sentence,  118. 

Accompaniment,  Instr.,  530.  2. 

Accusative,  245:  Nouns,  249,  255, 
258,  263,  264,  2ta,  269,  274,  277,  281, 
282;  Pronouns,  1st  pers.,  309,  315, 
317:  2d  pers.,  322,  327,  329:  3d 
pers.,333,  337,  339,  340:  Uses,  526. 

Achjemenides,  1,  15,  43,  58,  78. 

Active  Voice,  35ti,  532. 

Adjectives.  Decl.,  242£f.,  293ff. : 
Comparison,  29l)ff. :  Numerals, 
304fiF. ;  Position,  597.  598. 

Adverbs,  Pronom.,  574fE. :  Posi- 
tion, 608. 

Adverbial  Accusative,  526.  9:  Gen- 
itive, 527.  2b. 

Afghan.  73,  82. 

Agent,  Dat.-Gen..  528.  3;  Abl., 
529.  2. 

Aktionsart.  359. 

Albanian,  73. 

Anaptyxis,  215. 

Ancient  Persian.  73,  76,  79. 

AnquetilDu  perron,  13. 

Aorist,  s-Aor.,  358,  458,  485,  488; 
Root,  358,  485,  486,  487;  Passive, 
489;  Anc.  Pers.,  490;  Uses,  542, 
543. 

ApiK)sition,  595,  596. 

Appositional  Genitive,  527.  Ic. 

Aramaic  Papyrus,  36. 

Armenian.  73,  74. 

Artaxerxes  (I.,  II.,  III.)  Inscrip- 
tions, Pers.,  29,  42;  Sus.  29,  46; 
Ham.,  51;  Va.ses.  57;  514. 

Article,  Use  of  pronoun,  571. 

Asking,  Verbs  of,  526.  5. 

Aspiration,  66.  7,  8;  72,  231;  Trans- 
fer, 202,  217. 

16 


Assimilation,  194fif,  199ff.,  207,  216ff. 

Asyndeton,  585. 

Augment,  79.  3,  358,  362;  Anc.  Pers., 

364. 
Auxiliary  Verbs,  545. 
Avesta,  73,  76,  77,  79. 

Babin,  43. 

Babylonian  Text,  39. 

Balto-Slavonic,  73. 

Baluci,  73,  82. 

Bang,  32. 

Barbaro,  J.,  2. 

Bartbolomse,  32. 

Bases,  127flf. ;  cf .  446fE. 

Beer,  21,30. 

Behistan,  17,  26,  33,  34,  39. 

Benfey,  Theodor,  28. 

Bruin,    Cornells   de    (Brun,    Cor- 

neille  le),  10,  40,  41. 
Budge,  .55. 
Burnouf ,  Eugfene,  20,  49. 

Cardinals,  304. 

Cases,  24.5ff.;  Nouns,  I.  E.,  24.5ff.; 
Anc.  Pers.  266£f. :  Pronouns 
308flf.,  321  ff..  332fiE.:  Irregular 
uses,  5l4a:  Syntax,  524flf. 

Causal  Ablative,  529.  3. 

Causative  Verbs,  474.  2,  476,  478. 

Caylus.  56. 

Centum  Group.  140. 

Cbaldeo-Pahlavi,  82. 

ChampoUion,  18. 

Chardin,  8,  40. 

Classification,  I.  E.  Languages,  73; 
Verbs,  445,  446. 

Clay,  A.  T.,  56. 

Collective  Nouns,  521fif. 

Combination  of  Consonants,  I.  E. 
Internal,  194ff,  199fE,;  External, 
194,  207ff.;  Anc  Pers.,  216flf. 

Comparison,  I.  E.,  296fif.;  Anc. 
Pers.,  301  ff. 

Complement,  Position,  602,  604flf. 
(341) 


242 


General  Txdex. 


Complementary  Accusative,  5'^6.  4 : 
Genitive,  527.  2.  a. :  Infinitive, 
538.  1. 

Compounds,  234fE. 

Conditions,  535.  2. 

Conjunctions,  Connectives,  582ff. 

Consonant  System,  I.  E.,  I32ff.,  139. 

Coordinating  Compounds,  234. 

Coordination,  582ff. 

Correlative,  Adv.,  577;  Conj.,  582; 
Neg.,579. 

Coste,  see  Flandin. 

Cuneiform,  58ff.;  see  also  p.  7. 

Cursive  Action,  359.  2. 

Curzon,  62. 

Cyrus,  52,  514. 

Daressy,  G.,  47. 

Darius,  15,  25,  514,  515;  Inscriptions, 
Bh.,  2li,  39;   Elv.,  49;   Grave,  23, 
78;  Kerman,  48;  Pers.,  10,  15,  24, 
40;  Seal,  53;  Siis.,44;  Weight,  55. 
Deaspiration,  76.  1,  201,  220,  222. 
Decipherment,  Iff. 
Declension,    Nouns,    242fE.,    para- 
digms,   283ff.;    Adj.,    242,    293flf.; 
Pronouns.  306-353. 
Den<jminative  Verbs,  473. 1, 476, 477. 
Dentals,    133,    136;    I.    E.    in   Ar., 
160ff.;    Ar.  in  Anc.    Pers.,  164fE., 
229,  and  a,  b;  Dental  Verb  Stems, 
460. 
Dependent  Compounds,  235. 
Derivative  Nouns,   528.  5;    Verbs, 

476ff. 
Descriptive  Compoimds,  235. 
Determinative  Compounds,  235. 
Dieulafoy,  44,  46,  52,  56. 
Diphthongs,  I.  E..  83,  138,  197:  Anc. 
Pers.,  t!3,  67,  213;    I.  E.  in  Anc. 
Pers.,98ff. 
Dissyllabic  Bases,  127fE.,  44ti,  450ff. 
Double  Consonants,  ti6.  5. 

Ecbatana,  see  Hamadan. 

Elamite  Text,  39. 

Elvend  Inscriptions,  20,  24,  25,  49. 

Enclitics,  586ff . ;  Position,  61 1 . 

Epenthesis,  79.  2. 

Evetts,  B.  T.,  30,  51. 


Explosives,  (K.  3,  132flf.,  139;   Verb 

Stems,  459,  4f.O. 
Extended  Grade,  12l£E. 

Finals,  Permitted,  227fiE.;  cf.  66.  1, 

3. 
Flandin  and  Coste,  29,  40fE  ,  49,  52. 
Flower,  S.,  7. 
Frequentatives,  449a. 
Future,  358,  480ff.;  syo-Fiiture,  458, 

481;  Periphrastic,  483;  Anc.  Pers., 

484,  541;  cf.  535. 

Gatha,  see  Avesta. 

Gender,  244,   517fE.;    Confiision   of 

Forms,  514b. 
Genitive,  245;  Nouns,  2.50,  256,  259, 

270,  278;  pi.,  -nam,  278,  284b,  286c; 

Pronouns,  1st  pers.,  310,315,318; 

2d  pers.,  323,  327;    3d  pers.,  334, 

338;  Position,  599. 
Germanic,  73. 

GUde,  Spirantal,  203,  219.  3b. 
Gobineau,  J.  A.,  48,  54. 
Gouvea,  Antonio  de,  3. 
Gradation  of  Vowels,  119ff. 
Graphical  Peculiarities,  ^. 
Greek,  73. 
Grotefend,  G.  F.,  15,  30,  41,  53,  54. 

56,  58. 

Hamadan,  25,  26,  49,  51. 
Heavy  Bases,  127ff.;  cf.  446flf. 
Herbert,  Thomas,  6. 
High  Grade,  120ff. 
Hincks,  Kev.  E.,  27,  30. 
Hindi,  73. 

HofEmann-Kutschke,  A.,  34,  39. 
Holtzmann,  23. 
Houssay,  43. 
Hyde,  Thomas,  7. 
Hystaspes,  15,  25. 

Ideograms,  30,  59. 

Imperative,  3.57,  441,  444;  Endings, 

I.   E.,  394fE.,  420fE.;    Anc.    Pers., 

433,434,438;  537. 
Imperfect,  358,  512,  543. 
Indefinite,  5l)8ff. 
Indian,  73. 
Indicative,  357,  534, 


(iKNKRAI,     IXDKX. 


2i'S 


Indirect  Object,  ">28.  l:  Quotation, 

554,  555. 
Indo-EuroiH'jiii    LaiiLniaKes,    7.'5rt".: 

Name,  74:    Vowel  System,  Kiff. ; 

(.'oiisouant  System,  132ff. 
Indo-Iranian,  73,  75. 
Inflnitivo.  I.  E.,  a55,  SOtiff.:    Anc 

Pers.,  jOi).  :ii8;  Position,  iHlil. 
Injunctive,   3.5",  504;    Anc.    Pers., 

oOo;  537. 
lustnmiental,  245;  Nouns,  254,  25ti, 

2li2,   273,   275,  2>0;    Pronouns,   1st 

pers.,  314;  2d  pers.,  32ti:  Sdjiers., 

3o5:  Uses,  530. 
Inten.sives,  449a. 
Interrupted  Sentence,  012. 
Iranian.  73;  Old,  70. 
Italic,  73. 
Itt'rative  Action,  359.  4;  Verbs,  474. 

2,  470,  478. 

Jackson,  A.  V.  W.,  33,  48,  49,  52. 
.Tacquet,  21,30. 
Justi,  54. 

Kapmpfcr.  Engelrecht.  9,  40. 
Kernian  Inscription,  48. 
King,  L.  W.,  34,39,54. 
Kos.sowicz,  C,  31,  39flf.,  Mi,  47,  49,  .50, 

53,  .54,  56,  57. 
Kurdish,  73,  82. 

Labials,  13:3,  139;  I.  E.  in  Ar.,  109ff.: 

Ar.  in  Anc.  Pers.,  173flf. 
Langruage  of  Inscriptions.  515. 
La.s.sen,  Christian,  21,  30,  40,  41,  43. 
Late  Inscriptions,  514. 
Layard,  54. 
Lehman,  50. 
Lenormant,  54. 
LeveUng,  75,  239,  448a. 
Light  Ba.ses,  127ff. ;  of.  440flf. 
Liquids.  71,  132,  137fiE.;  I.  E.  in  Ar., 

181,  182;   Ar.  in  Anc.   Pers.,   183, 

184;  Vocalic,  83,  85,  80,  108flE.,  113, 

114. 
Location  of  Inscriptions,  39flf. 
Locative,  245;  Nouns,  2.53,  2i5»!,  201, 

272,  279;  Pronouns,  1st  pers.,  313; 

2d  pers.,  323;  Uses,  531;  Position, 

600. 


Loftus,  W.  K.,  29.  4«;,  .50. 
L()ng])(5rier,  De,  .57. 
Low  Grade,  120,  123flf. 

Maghan,  48. 

Manner  of  Action,  .3:58,  3o9. 

Mazdeism,  78. 

MediiP,  68,  130,  199,  207;  Aspiratas. 

70.  1;  Anc.  Per.s.,  210,  221,  222. 
Meillet,  A.,  38. 
Mt'nant,  47,  54. 
Middle  Voice,  356,  532. 
Momentary  Action,  359.  1. 
Monosyllabic  Ba.ses,  127,  446fif. 
Months,  Anc.  Pers.,  013ff. 
Moods.  357,  534ff. 
Morgan,  J.  de,  45,  49,  50. 
Morier,  J.  H.,  10,  52. 
Munter,  Friedrich,  12. 
Murghab,  10,  24,  52. 

Naks  -i-Eustam,  20,  21,  23,  37,  43. 
Nasals,  &i.  3,  70,   132,   1.37,   1.39,  204, 

223;   Vocalic.  83,  85,  80,   100,  107, 

111,  112;   I.  E.  in  Ar.,  170flf.;   Ar. 

in  Anc.  Pers.,   179,   180,  223,  230; 

Nasal    Infix,    45ti;     Nasal    Verb 

Stems,  455ff. 
Na.saUzed  Vowel,  00.  4. 
Negatives,  578ff.,  583,  610. 
Neuters,  I.  E.,  203flf.,  339,  340;  Anc. 

Pers.,  281,  282. 
Newton,  56. 
Niebuhr,  C,  11,40,  41. 
Nil  Grade,  120. 
Nomina  Actioms,  240  (-ti-,  -man-), 

506fE. 
Nomina  Agentis,  240  (-tar-,  -man-). 
Nominative,  245;   Nouns,  247,  255, 

2,57,  20.3flf.,  207,  274,  270,  281,  282; 

Pronouns,  1st  pers.,  308,315,316; 

2d  pers.,  321.  .327.  328;   3d  pers., 

332,  ;330,  339.  340:  U.se.  524. 
Nouns,  Declension.  242fif.;  Syntax, 

516flf. 
Nimiber,  Nouns,  243.  520flF.;  Verbs, 

360. 
Nxmierals,  304ff . :  Position,  .597. 

Object,  Position,  602,  604,  605. 
Odoric,  2. 


244 


Geneiial  Index. 


Oppert,  F.,  30,  31.  47. 

Optative,  I.  E.,  357,5():i;  Ano.  Pers., 

503,  53(5. 
Ordinals,  305. 
Ossetish,  73,  82. 
Ouseley,  40,  52. 

Pahlavi,  14,  73,  80. 

Palatals,  68,  133,  135,  139,  140;  I.  E, 

in  Ar.,  153fE.;   Anc.  Pers.,  150ff.. 

157fif. 
Palatalization,  Nasals,  85,  137,  177; 

Velars,  89  end,  145,  218. 
Palatal  Law,  145. 
Pali,  73. 
Participle,    Perf.,    495;    Mid.,   510; 

-to-,   512;     Anc.    Pers.,   511,    513; 

Use,  539. 
Partitive  Genitive,  527.  lb. 
Passive  Voice,  350,  479,  489,  490,  533 

539.  1,  2,  and  a. 
Perfect,  I.  E.,  358,  491ff.;  Endings 

385flf.;  Pple.,495;  Anc.  Pers.,  490 

544. 
Periphrastic  Future,  483,  541. 
PersepoUs,  Iff.;    Inscr.,   Dar.,   40 

Xerx.,  41 ;   Artaxerx.,  42. 
Persian,    73;     Anc.    79;    Mid.,    80 

New,  81. 
Personal  Endings,  I.  E.,  300,  305ff. 

Anc.  Pers.,  427ff. 
Pettigrew,  50. 
Pinches,  51. 

Plural  Tangencies,  140. 
Porter,  Sir  R.  Ker,  17,  40,  41,  52. 
Possessive  Compovinds,  235. 
Potential  Optative,  536.  2. 
Prakrit,  73. 
Predicate  Genitive,  527.  la;  Nom 

inative  (.po.sition),  006. 
Prefixes,  546ff. 
Prepositions   (with  Ace),  520.   10 

587,  588. 
Present,  358;  Pres.  System,  I.  E. 

445ff.;    Anc.    Pers.,    464ff.;     Use 

540. 
Primary    Endings,    I.    E.,    307ff. 

402fiE.;    Anc.  Pers.,  428,  429,  435^ 

439,  442. 
Prohibition,  504,  578,  580. 


Proleptic  Accusative,  526.  1,  2. 
Pronouns,  Decl.,  306ff. ;  Uses,  55i)ff. ; 

Pers.,  ;i07ff.,  556-559;    Dem.,  Int., 

Rel.,  33lff.;  500-573. 
Pronunciation,  Anc.  Pers.,  07ff. 
Publication  of  Inscriptions,  39ff. 
Purpose,    Negative  Clau.se,  535. 5, 

580;  Infinitive,  538.  2. 

Qualitative  Vowel  Change,  119fE. 
Quantitative  Vowel  Change,  119ff. 
Quotations,  553ff. 

Raife,  A.,  54. 

Rask,  R.,  19. 

Rawlin.son,  H.  C,  25flf.,  30,  39,  41,  43. 

Reduplication,  I.  E.,  301,  492,  493; 
Anc.  Pers.  303. 

Relatives,  331,  352,  353,  571fif.,  cf. 
574,  575;  Relative  Clause,  Posi- 
tion, 001. 

Rich,  C.  J.,  22,  41,  42,  52. 

Root  Aorist,  485,  480,  490. 

Root  Bases,  127ff.;  Root  Class, 
Verbs,  448. 

Sachau,  36. 

Sacy,  Silvestre  de,  14. 

Saint-Martin,  18,  30,  40,  41,  52,  50. 

Sandhi,  194ff. 

Sanskrit,  73. 

Sat8m  Group,  140. 

Schulz,  F.  E.,49,  50. 

Schwa,  84. 

Scriptio  Plena,  61  (cf.  228);  Defec- 

tiva,  61,  62. 
Seal  Inscriptions,  53,  54. 
Secondary  Endings,    I.    E.,  376ff., 

411,  440,  443;  Anc.  Pers.  430ff.,  436, 

437,  440,  443. 
Semivowels,  06.  1,  71,  132,  138,  139, 

205,  20i!,   209,   227;    I.  E.  in  Ar., 

185ff.;  Ar.  in  Anc.  Pers.,  188,  189;- 

Verb  Stems,  401  ff. 
Separation,  Ablative,  .529.  1. 
Series,  Vowels,  I.  E.,  123,  124;  Anc. 

Pers.,  125ft'. 
Sibilants,   69,    76.  4;    Verb    Stems, 

458,  459. 
Sigmatic  Aorist,  488,  490;  Ending 

in  Iinperf.,  432. 


Gbnp:ral  rxDp^x. 


24: 


Soprdian,  82. 

Spiegel,  Fr.,  ;5I,  :fiM3,  47,  49,  52-54, 
5t;.  57. 

Spirantal  Glido,  203.  210.  31). 

Spirauts,  t59,  70.  1.  i:!2,  i:«),  200:  Ar. 
(  I.  E.,  Palatals)  in  Auc.  Pers.. 
lo7fif.:  I.  E.  in  Ar.,  I'M.  191,  225: 
Ar.  I  original)  in  Anc.  Pers.,  192, 
193.  225. 

Stolze.  40,  41,  43. 

Subject,  Position,  ()02ff 

Subjunctive,  357,  497ff. :  An(r.  Pers. , 
501 :  Uses,  535. 

Subordinating  Compounds,  234, 
235. 

Suez  Inscriptions,  47. 

Suffix  Bases,  127. 

Suffixes,  237fif. ;  Primary.  240;  Sec- 
ondary, 241. 

Susa  Inscriptions,  44,  45.  4*5. 

Syllabic  Writing,  21,  .iHfif.,  65. 

Syntax,  516ff. 

Ta-sker.  43. 

Tense,  3.-i8.  540flf. 

Tenues,   C8,   70.  2,    139,    200;     Anc. 

Pers.,  219,  220. 
Terminal  Accusative,  520.  0. 
Terminative  Action.  3.59.  5,  551. 
Texier,  Charles,  24.  40,  41,  49.  .50,  .52. 
Thematic  Verbs,  3il6,  445,  44i),  45:^, 

454. 
Thompson.  R.  C,  34,  39. 
Tocharian,  73. 

Tohnan,  H.  C.  32,  34,  35,  3*i,  39-57. 
Transfer  of  Aspiration,  202,  217. 
Tychsen,  O.  G.,  12. 

Uuthematic  Verbs,  3()0,  445,  440, 
447ff. 


Vallo,  Pietro  della.  5. 

Van  Inscrijition,  .50. 

Vase  Inscriptions,  50,  57. 

Velars,  85.  133,  135,  139,  140:  I.  E.  in 
Ar.,  ]41flf. :  Ar.  in  An<-.  Pei-s., 
146Sf. 

Verbs.  354ff.:  Classes,  44.5. 44*!:  Syn- 
tax, 532fif.;  Position,  002,  003,  0O5, 
606. 

Vocative,  245,  248,  255,  257,  263-265, 
268. 

Voice,  356,  532,  533. 

Vowels,  I.  E.,  83ff.;  Vowel  Signs, 
60fE.;  I.  E.  in  Anc.  Pers.,  87fif.: 
Contraction.  197,  198,  213,  214; 
Gradation,  119ff. 

Weight  Inscription,  55. 

Weissbach.  32,  37,  39-44,  46-57. 

Westergaard,  X.  L.,  23 

Wish,  Subjunctive,  535.  3:  Opta- 
tive, 536.  1:  Imperative  and  In- 
junctive, 537. 

Word  Divider,  12,  58.  59. 

Word  FoiTaation,  %3SS. 

Word  Order,  594ff. 

Writing,' Anc.  Pers.,58ff. ;  see  also 
p.  7. 

Xerxes,  15,  25,  514,  515;  Inscrip- 
tions, Pers.,  10,  15,  24,  41;  Van, 
50;  Elvend,  24,  49:  Va.se,  5<i;  Susa, 
45. 

Yagnobi,  82. 

Zend,  see  Avesta. 
Zoroastrians,  74,  77. 


ANCIENT  PERSIAN  INDEX. 


(Numl.< 

a,  67,  81. 1,  87,  89,  93,  106,  125,  213. 

a  (pron.)  Cases,  3i1;  U)<e,  ikM. 

-a-,  240,241. 

a-  (.an-),  lOti. 

fi,  88,  90,  93,  94.  HI,  112,  125.  213. 

a-,  546. 

-a,  531.2,  588. 

ai,  67,  81.  2,  98,  99,  101. 

ai,  67,  100. 

aita,  160,  164,  342,  .562. 

aiva,  101,  304. 

au,  67,  81.2,  103,  105. 

au,  67,  102,  104. 

aura,  66.  7,   192,  214,   240    (.-ii-i,   241 

l-ra-). 
auramazda,  66.7,  76.4;    Citsc!<,  291, 

A  and  a. 
agarblta,  451,  513. 
a,iamiya,  106,  126,  128,  188. 
a"tar,  526.  10. 
atiy,  66.  1,  89,  160,  164,  546. 
ate"gaina,    81.  1,    157;    aea"ganam, 

514d. 
aetiraya,  283. 
ae'iyfidiya,  518,  613. 
ada,  76.  1,  574. 
adakaiy  141 ,  574. 
adam,  65,  89,  159,  306,  321,  3.50,  556; 

Decl.,  308#.,  320;  mam,  514e,  526.  8, 

592;    -maiy,    61,    66.  la,    227,    592; 

mana,  61;   -ma,  592;   vayam,  306, 

557. 
-adiy,  531.  3. 
adukanisa,  518,  615. 
an,  106. 
-an-,  240. 
-ana-,  240,  241. 

ana  ipron.),  179;  ana,  3.35,  343,  563. 
ana  {prep.),  530.  3. 
anamaka,  613. 
anahita,  236.  2. 
aniya,   192,   295,  515;   Cat'cs,  61,  276. 

279,  283,  515;  aniyaSciy,  164c,  229b, 

295,  .569. 
(246) 


efer  to  sections.) 

anuv,  240  (-siya-),  530.  31?. 

anusiya,  240  (-siya-). 

ap,  81.  3;  Cases,  289b. 

apa-,  75,  87,  169,  173,  241  (-ara-),  301, 

546. 
apagaudaya,  505. 
apatara,  -m,  241  (-ara-),  301. 
apadana,  519. 

apara,  -m,  87,  241  c-ara-),  301,  303. 
aparsam,  see  fras. 
abiy,  76.  1,  175,  .526.  6,  546. 
am,  106. 
-am,  93. 
amata,  5l3a. 
ayadana,  519. 
ar,  108,  110,  114. 
ar,  arasam,  157d. 
-ara-,  241,  301. 
ariya  cW^a,  235.  2. 
artaxsa^'a,  -hya,  514a;   artaxsaflra- 

hya,  514d. 
ardaxcasca.  514d. 
arbaira,  183. 
armina,  518. 
arsama,  514a. 
arstibara,  235.  1. 
ava  (adv.),  87,  546. 
ava  I  pron.),  93,  574,  587;  Cases,  61, 

344;  ava!5ciy,  229b,  569  (cf.   339); 

Uses,  562a,  564,  565. 
ava,  574. 
avajata,  513a. 
avaea,  574,  608. 
avada,  61,  574,608. 
avada^a,  349. 
avapara,  574. 

avarada,  377,  505  (cf.  440). 
avastayam,  478. 
avaharta,  513a. 
avaliya,  -avahyaiy,  473.  1 .  477. 
avahyaradiy,  61,  531.  2a,  .574. 
asa,  a-spa-,  79.  5,  89,  1S6,  219.  2a,  240 

(-liva-).  523. 
asabari,  126,  2;i5.  1. 


Anciknt  Pkksiax  Tndrx. 


247 


asman,  87,  157,  240  (-man-);  asnia- 
nam,  93,  107,  120,  2i!i),  2'.tO  A  ami  h. 

asnaiy,  Ml.  2a. 

ah,  539.  2,  WS;  Pick,  forms.  3i)7ff., 
439,  4(54;  amiy,  iX.  Id,  178,  192,  448; 
ahy,  (■)(■>.  Id,  tW.  (J;  a.stiy,  7.'>,  89,  91, 
127,  100,  ItU,  190.  192;  amahy,  180b. 
373,  404a:  ha"tiy,  37.5,  448;  :"iby, 
501;  ahatiy,  499,  .501;  Imperfect 
forms.  370tf.,  44(1.  404;  fiham.  90, 
107,  3(vl,  448a;  fiha,  440a,  b,  4ti4b; 
Aba",  440b,  448a;  aha"tri,  440b,  443. 

-ah-,  240. 

i.  21,67,91,97,  12,5,  227. 

-i-,  240. 

i  {verb),  .513a;  aitiy,  99,  119,  126,  127, 

464d;    -ayam,   100,   18.5,   188,  464d; 

fiis",    -aisa",    490;   -aya"ta,    407d; 

-idiy,  91,  119,  126,  127,  395,  441. 
i,  92. 
-5-,  241. 
idfi,  574. 
-in-,  241. 
ima.  Cases,  345;  imai-,  60.  la;  imam, 

-am,  514b;   r7.se,  504. 
-iya-,  see  -ya-. 
iyam.  340,  350,  500. 
-is-,  240. 
-i§,  120. 

-IS,  -im,  i-sfpm,s,  287a. 
i§  (verh),  formic,  474.  2a. 
-ista-,  241,  302. 

u,  21,  60.  1,  67,  95,  109.  227. 

-U-,  240. 

-u  (pron.  particle).  95. 

u-  (UV-),  95,  192. 

II,  90. 

ucaSma,  290.A,d,  519,  520. 

utfi,  01,  .582. 

ud-,  us-,  95,  540. 

upfi,  95,  526. 10,  546. 

iipariy.  .520.  10,  .54t). 

upariyaxsayaiy,  131. 

ufra'^ta,  ufrasta,  -m,  95,   157b,  173, 

192a. 
ufrasti,  157b;  -a,  272,  285. 
ubarta,  120,  235.  2. 
umartiya,  235. 3. 


uv  <  Ar.  8W,  226. 

uva-,  220. 

-uva-,  -pa-,  240. 

uvadaicaya,  518. 

uvamarsiyu,      235.  1,      236.  1,      240 

(-siyu-). 
uvarazmi,  -S,  0().  7,  518. 
usa-,  104. 
usabfiri,  294. 
iLska,  240  (-ka-). 
uzina.  241  (-a-);  uzmaya,  1.59,  290e. 

k,  08,  81.3,  14t5.  147,  219.  1,  220. 

ka.  141,  146,  351;  kaSciy,  229b,  351, 
508. 

-ka-,  240,241. 

kil,  558,  .570. 

-kaiy,  141,  574. 

kaufa,  63,  81.  4. 

kan,  147,  615;  akaniy,  490;  ka"tuv, 
464;  ka"tanaiy,  509. 

ka"bujiya,  68,  179. 

kar,  141,  146,  363,  545;  Forms,  470 
and  a,  b;  akunavam.  109,  4,57; 
akunau.s,  -as,  514d;  akuta,  109, 
490;  akuma,  109,  120,  382,  440, 
490;  akunavaya"ta,  474.  la;  aka- 
riya"ta,  479;  caxriyfi,  120,  303, 
496,503;  cartanaiy,  126,509:  karta, 
71,  120,  240  (-ta-),  513a. 

kiira,  207;  Cases,  01,  107,  250,  209, 
273. 

karsa,  284,  520. 

kfiru,  -s,  02,  207;  -aus,  105,  270,  280. 

X,  09.  140,  147,  219. 1;  cf.  1.58c. 
xsae'a,  07,  70.2,  140,  105,  240  (-8'"a-). 
xsaS^apavan,  -a,  2&5. 1,  207,  290.A. 
xisap,  -a,  146,  289  and  a,  518. 
xSiiyaWya,  131,  139N,  5,14a. 
x§i,  240  (-e'a-);  -axsayaiy,  467. 
xsna,  94,  158c;  xsnasahy,  66.6,  472a; 
xsnasatiy,  131,  459,  472a. 

g,  68,  148,  149,  222. 

gau-,  143. 

gausa,  -a,  149,  240  (-a-),  274,  284,  519, 

620. 
gaSn.  67,  81.4,  112,  126,  127,  131,  148, 

240  (,-tu-);  gaeava,  104,  286  and  a. 


248 


Ancient  Persian  Index. 


gam,  -jamiya,  66.2,  131,  503. 

garma-,  144,  149. 

garmapada,  -hya,  61,  270,  284a,  518, 

614. 
gud,   forms,  474.2;    -gaudaya,   159, 

505. 
gub,   forms,    467;     gaubataiy,    442, 

535.  la;   gaubataiy,  535.  la;  agau- 

bata,  413,  443. 
grab,  forms,  466;  agarbayam,  461b. 

c,  21,  68,  81.3,  150. 

-ca  (-ca),  89,  145.  1,  150,  582,  590. 

caxriya,  cartanaiy,  see  kar. 

cita,  576. 

cie''a,  67,  165. 

-ciy,  66.1a,  91.  14.5.1,  229b,  568,  569, 

591. 
cisciy,  351,  568. 
cispi,  64.-  -ais,  285a. 

j,  23,  68,  151,  152,  222. 

jatar,  -a,  240  (-tar-),  484. 

jad,  jadiyfimiy,  SCI,  439,  461,  473. 1. 

jan,  552;    Forms,  464  and  c,   467d; 

ajanam,  131,  14.5.3,  152,  448;  jata, 

ja"ta,  383,  440,  441,  5ft5;  -jata,  131, 

448,  513a. 
-jamiya,  see  gam. 
ji,  forms,  475;   jiva,  67,  131,  145.2, 

151,433,463,501. 
jiyamna,  511. 
jivahya,  92,  475,  484. 

t,  68,  81.3,   164,   im,  219.3,  220,  229 

and  a,  b. 
-ta-,  240. 
tauma,  131,  247,  267;  Cases,  270,  272, 

283. 
taxmaspada,  167,  173. 
taxs,  forms,  467b. 
-tama-,  241,302. 
ta.r,  forms,  471.1;  -tarta,  513a. 
-tar-,  240. 

-tara-,  241  (-ara-),301. 
tara-,  108. 
taravii,  518. 
tarsa-,  see  e'ah. 
-tab-,  240. 
-ti-,  240. 


tigra,  518. 

tigraxauda,  235.3. 

-tu-,  240. 

tuvam,  350,  558;   Decl,  321ff.,  330: 

euvam,  71,  164;  -taiy  (-tay)66.  la, 

6t).  2a,  592. 
tya,   164b,  219.3a,    571;    Decl.,  352; 

tyana'  a35,  352a;   tyaly,  101;   ty- 

aisam,  a38. 

e,  21,  69,  81.4;  <  Ar.  s,  I.  E.  k,  157, 

219.2;  <  Ar.  t,  I.  E.  t,  164,  219.3; 

<ZAr.  th,  im. 
Saigarci,  518,  613. 
teta-,  106,  157. 
SataguS,  66. 5. 
ea"d,  forms,  474. 1 ;  Sadaya,  433,  505; 

eadayfi,  501. 
Sard,  -a,  270,  288C,  518. 
Bah,  66.4;  forms,  467  and  a;   ^atiy, 

66.8,  157,  192,  214,  309,  439;  Sahy- 

amahy,   373,   439,  479;    Sahy,  501; 

aeaha,  192;  Sastanaiy,  509. 
6»uxra,  240  (-ra-). 
eriravahara,  235.2,  518,  613. 
Suvam,  see  tuvam. 
^rah,    529.4;   forms,    472;    tarsam, 

505. 


e',  69;  <  Ar.^r,  157c;  <;^r.  tr,  165, 

219.  3,  290  B  c. 
-e'a.-,  240. 
d'^i,  forms,  465;    -afl''arayam,   46i)a, 

(see  niy). 
ei'itiya,  165,  305. 

d,  68,  79.5,   167,  168,  180a,  221,  222, 

229  and  b;  •  ^  Ar.  z,  zh,  J.  E.,  g, 

gh,  158  and  b,  159,  222. 
da  (give),  75,  94,  162;  dadatuv,  126, 

863,  449,  465. 
da  (pt(f).  65,  75.  90,  127,  168;  adada, 

4t)5;  ada,  126,  486,  490. 
daugtar,  103,  158,  190,  193. 
dan,  adana.  111,  126,  131,  158,  455. 
dsLT,  forms,  474.2;  darayamiy,  478: 

adaraya,  478;  adarSiy  (-aiy),  44;^, 

490;  adariy,  489,  4i)0. 


Ancient  Persian  Index. 


249 


darayavau,  -§,  66. 7,  22fla,  5l4a;  dfi- 
rayavabau5,  ft>.  7;  dfirayavans- 
aliyii,  5Ua;  darayavasuhyil,  5Ud. 

dargam,  70.  1,  114,  144,  14<». 

dar§,  U-.8;  adarSnauf?,  UK).  193.  470c. 

da-sta,  79.  5,  olit;  Cit.'<cs,  272,  275,  284, 
520. 

dahyu,  240  (-yuO:  Cases,  27C.flf.,  28<i 
aud  b;  dahyaus,  126;  dahyrinam, 
126. 

di  {injure),  adinam,  -fi,  455,  460; 
dita,  131,  5i:ia. 

di  (sec),  108;  didiy,  62,  4<)5. 

-di,  cases,  347;  -dis,  227;  diS,  593a. 

didfi,  159. 

dipi,  -iy:'i,  285b. 

dubiila,  71,  183. 

duraiy,  9t);  ivith  apiy,  66.  Ic,  2a. 

duruj,  152,  528.1;  Formic,  473.2: 
adurujiya,  68,  126,  215,  461;  adii- 
rujiyaSa",  432,  473.2a;  dumxta, 
217,  513a. 

diiruva,  215. 

duvaistam,  302. 

dwTarayfi,290B,  d.       * 

duvitaparanam,  302. 

duvitiya,  241  (-ya-),305. 

diLsiyara,  210a,  236.  2. 

draugra,  126,  215. 

draujana,  240  (-ana-). 

draujiya,  drau.iiyahy,  473. 1,  477. 

drayah,  79.  5,  158;  drayaliya,  291  B. 

n,  19,  70,  179,  230. 

-na-,  240. 

nai^-),  227,  578,  579,  .581,  583,  610. 

iiaiba,  81.  2. 

nadi'Habaira,  183. 

napat,  -fi,  89.  288  A  and  a. 

nabuk"dracara,  62. 

-nam  (gen.  pi. ),  278,  284b,  28»;c. 

nama.  -a,  176,  179,  180,  281,  '2'M  Aand 

c,  596, 
navama,  241  (-ma-),  305. 
naviya,  102, 
nas,  anasaya,  474.  2a. 
nah,  519;  naham,  192,  269,  291  A. 
-nah-,  240. 
ni.  forms,  467b. 
nij-,  546. 


nijayam,  G8,  216,  .3(U. 
uipadiy,  288  C,  526.  10,  5.11.  2a. 
nipi-itam,  458. 
niy-,  .546. 

uiyafl^irayam,  157i',  449a. 
niyapisam,  l!K)a,  4.58. 
niyasaya,  478V). 
niyaSadayam,  126,  193. 
niyfi&tayam,  -a,  193,  478. 
nira-satiy,  459. 
nuram,  96. 
-nt-,  240. 

p,  68,  81.3,  173,  219.4. 

-pa-,  see  -uva-. 

pa,  padiy,  464d:  patuv,  66.1,  464d; 

-payauva,  473;  pata,  217,  513a. 
pat,  89;  apatata,  467b. 
patipadam,  288  C  and  a,  587, 
patipayauva,  444. 
patiy  (prep.),  64,  546;  -patiy.  526. 10, 

531.  3,  587,  588;  {adv.),  54t),  589. 
patiyaxsayaiy,  131. 
patiyajata,  413. 
patiyabaram,  66.  la. 
patiyavahyaiy,  477. 
padaibiya,  275. 
para,  61,  526.10,  546,  588. 
paraita,  61,  505;  paraita,  513a. 
paraidiy,  61,  213. 
paragmata,  -a,  01,  126,  513. 
par.ibarta,  513a. 
paribarahy,  66.  la,  d,  .368;   pariba- 

rah-,  06.  Id. 
pariy,  89,  91,  182,  184,  227,  546. 
paru(v),  110,  227.  240  (-n-),  294;  pa- 

runam,  paruv^nam,  66.  lb,  227. 
paruvam,  509. 
paru(v)zana,  155,  158,  230.1;  -anam, 

66.  la,  278,  283. 
par^ava,  80. 
parsa-,  see  fras. 
par.sa,  -aiy,  272,  284;  -a,  271,  284. 
pasa,  527.  2c,  574,  587. 
pasava,  .574,  587,  008. 
pitar,  -a,  64,   79.1,  90,  97,  126,   127, 

160,  104,  109,   173,  2.37,  240  (-tar-); 

pie''a,  126,  165,  270,  290  B  and  c. 
pi§,  4.58;  -apisam,  471,490. 
pufl'a,  64,  67,  79.  4,  95,  U^. 


250 


Ancient  T*i:rsiax  Tndkx. 


f,'  69,   81.4;     :  Ar.,    p,    173,  219.4; 

-;,  Iran,  x^,  lT4a. 
fra-,  76.2,  79.  1,  9:5,  173.  I.s2,  184,  241 

(-tama-),  302,  54*5. 
frajanam,  213. 

fratama,  241  (-tama-),  302,  303. 
fratarta,  236.  3.  513a. 
framataram,  107,  269,  290  B  and  h. 
framana,  215. 

fravarti.  cases,  285;  -ais.  270. 
fras,  foi-ms,    472;     aparsam,    76.5, 

79.1,   108,   127,  131,   157d,  169,  173, 

459. 
fraharavam,  587. 

b.  68,  175:  <  Ar.  bhw,  224a. 

biixtri,  -is,  267;  -iya,  287  an(.l  h. 

baga,  87,  148,  175,  615;  -aha,  276,  284, 
515. 

bagabtixsa,  216. 

bagayadi.  518,  615. 

bfiji,  175,  240  (-i-). 

ba"d,  168;  basta,  106, 126,  217,  219. 3b, 
513. 

ba"daka,  66.  3,  126,  179,  241  (-ka-). 

babiru,  18:i;  DecL,  286  and  a;  babi- 
rauv,  104.  272. 

bar,  89,  552;  Fornix,  467  and  a; 
bara-,  128;  bara"tiy,  93,  375,  439, 
453;  Impcrf.  fvrms,  440;  abararn, 
79.3,  107,  364,  376;  abara,  126,  175, 
229,  378,  440b;  abara",  66.3,  179. 
384,  440b;  abaralia",  432;  aba- 
ra"ta,  228,  419,  440b,  443;  -barahy, 
439,  500,  501;  -bara,  501;  baratuv, 
397,441;  -barta,  513a. 

bu,  forms,  467  and  a;  bavatiy,  79. 2, 
103,  501;  abava,  126, 186,  189;  biya, 
126,  131,224.451,484,503. 

biimi,  67;  -im,  287;  -am,  514c;  -iya, 
270,  287. 

bratar,  -a,  81.3,7,  88,  126,  127,  175, 
215,  267,  290  B. 

m,  19,  70, 180. 

-ma-,  241. 

mfi  (neg.),  536. 1,  537,  578flf.,  610. 

ma  (rerh).  -mata,  513a. 

magum,  269. 

-ma tar,  -a,  75,  88,  178,  180,  237,  247. 


matya,  574,  580,  581. 

maWita,  241  (.-ista-),  302,  303. 

madaiSuva,  95,  279,  284. 

man,  think,  mamyahay,  66.  2a,  131, 

403,  442,  473.1,   501;    maniyataij', 

473.  1,  501. 
man,  await,  amanaya  (-iya),  474.2a, 

478a. 
-man-,  240. 
maniya,  -m,  180,  519. 
mar,  amariyata,  473.  2. 
marliya,    79. 5,    164b,    219. 3a,    522; 

Coses,  270,  276,  280,  284  and  a;  -u, 

61,  268;  martihya,  514d. 
mail,  518:  mahya,  272,  291A. 
m'era    (m'f^a,    -misa),   09,   1&5N., 

514d. 
mue,  amufia,  468. 
mudraya,  158b. 

y,  66.1,2,  71,  188,  2a5,  224. 

-ya-,  -iya-,  241. 

yata,  575. 

yaffa,  166,  575 

yad,  87;   yadataiy,  404,  467b;  aya- 

daiy,  158.  411,  435,  443,  467b. 
yadiy,  575. 
yanaiy,  575. 
yam,  -ayasata,  472. 
-yah-,  241,  301. 
-yu-,  240. 

r,  71,   184  and    a;    ar.   79;    ar.    <■ 

I.  E.  11,  110. 
-ra-,  240°  241. 
rauca(h),   66.1a,    81.2,3,    181,    184, 

240  (-ah-),  289a,  291B,  518;  rauca- 

bis,  280,  291 B,  530.4. 
rauta(h),  184a,  192,  240  (-tab-),  281; 

rauta,  388b. 
raxa,  518. 
rad,  rada,  440,  5Cu. 

1,  71,  183. 

V,  66.1,  2,  71,  189,  224. 

-va,  m.  la,  189,  582,  590. 

vaiua,  /o/v/is,  4t>9a;    vaiuataiy,  98; 

avaina,  (hi. 
vamuisa,  Oti.  7,  69, 


.\  N  c  1 1:  N  '1'   r  I :  u s  1 A  x    I  x  i  >  r;  x . 


2.-,  I 


-vant-,  241. 

var,   varnavfitaiy,   47(K';    varnava- 

tam,  422,  444,  4;0c. 
varkfiua,  241  (-ana-), 
vardana,  519. 
va.siy,  157. 
va.sna,  15"a. 
vazarka,  158a. 
-va(h)u,  TO.  3;  c/.  301. 
vahyazdata,    216,   241   (-yali-),  301; 

-hya,  01. 
vikanfih-,  66.  Id. 
via,  cases,  288  B;  -am,  62,    107,   1.57, 

269;  -a,  273. 
■viein  (?),  241  (-in-):  v'S^b^is-ca,  288 

Ba. 
vi"dafarnah,  -a,  174a,  179,  229a,  240 

(  nah-.  -ut->,  267,  291  B  a,  4.56. 
vinaeayais,  101,503. 
viy,  546. 

viyaxna,  -hya,  61,  613. 
vista-,  v'stiispahya,  62,  514a. 

s,  69,  79. 5,  192;  <^r.  s,  T.  E.  k,  157, 
219.2;  <  7.  B.  skli,  kskh,  76.5, 
157d;  s  (sp)  <  Ar.  sw,  I.  E.  tw, 
79. 5,  219.  2a. 

sakfi,  518. 

sikayauvati,  518. 

suguda,  215. 

sta.  88,  166:   alstata,  66.8,  126,  190, 

192.  193,  214,  363,  465b;  -astayam, 
-a,  461,  465b;  see  478. 

stana,  126. 

sp,  79.5,  219.2a. 

-spada,  167,  173. 

g,  69,  216a;  <  Ar.  s,  7.  E.  s,  190b, 

193,  225;  <  Ar.  S,  7.  E.  k,  157a,  b, 
219.  2;  <  Ar.  c,  150  (c/.  68);  sc  < 
Ar.  tc,  164c;  sy  <f.4r.  ty,  164a, 
219. 3a;  <  dental,  229b. 

-Sa.  349;  -Mm,  190b,  349:  -Saiy,  66.  la, 

190b,  227.  349:  593. 
-si.  -Sim,  227,  348,  529.4;  §Ls,  348;  593. 
-§iya-,  240. 


siyati,  -8,  71,  240  (-ti-),  267;  SiyAtim, 

269;  SfiyatAm,  514  c,  d. 
-siyu,  240. 
siyu, /o7Tn.s,  467b;  a.siyavam,  145.1, 

150. 

z,  69,  79.  5,  158,  159,  222,  225. 
zazfina,  518. 
zra"ka,  179. 

h,  66.7,8,  72;<4r.  s,  76.3,  192,214, 

226,  231. 
liaina,  192,  240  (-na-),  267;  -am,  269; 

-aya,  79.  4. 
hau(,v),  m.  la,  95,  213,  227,  350,  .567, 

569;  bauvam,  350. 
havima,  76.  3. 
haxa-,  147,  285c. 
liaxamanig,  267,  28.5c. 
haxamanisiya,  240  (-siya-). 
ha"gmata,  513. 
haca,  529. 

ha"j,  -aha"jam.  467b. 
had,  89,  162,  167;  -asadayam,  474.2. 
hadii,  530.  2. 
hadis,  97,  126,  24<J  (-is-),  281,  291C, 

519. 
ham,  54ti. 
hama,  304. 
hamatar,  294,  304. 
hamapitar,  235.  3. 
hamarana,  -am,  -a,  240  (-ana-),  282, 

284. 
-hay,  66. 2a. 
harauvati,  -i§,  66.  7,  241  (-i-,  -vanfc-); 

-im,  269. 
harabana,  519. 

haruva,  66.2,  79.2,  189,  240  (-iiva-). 
hard,  -harda,  468. 
haldita,  71,  183. 
hasiya,  164a,  219. 3a,  241  (-ya-). 
hi"du,  168,  518. 
hya,  -a,  80,  93,  35:^,  571. 
-hy*  —  h'y,  m.  6. 
hyaparam,  574. 


THE  VANDERBILT  ORIENTAL  SERIES 

EDITED   BY 

Herbert  Gushing  Tolman,  Ph.D.,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

Dean,  and  Professor  of  Greek  Language  and  Literature 
AND 

James  Henry  Stevenson,  Ph.D.,  D.D. 

Professor  of  Hebrew  and  Old  Testament  Exegesis 

"  Ttte  Vfitnlerhilt  Oriental  Series  ileservea  a  ivord  of  tvelconie  an 
an  A.merivati  itii(leftaTiin<j."—The  Nation. 

Vol.  I.  Herodotus  and  the  Empires  of  the  East. 

Based  on  Nikel's  Herodot  iind  die  Keiischi-iftfor- 

schiing.     By  the  Editors.     l*rice,  |1. 

"A  careful  assembling  of  the  valuable  references 
in  Herodotus,  and  a  comparison  of  the  native 
sources." — Prof.  Rogers,  in  History  of  Babi/lonia 
and  Assyria,  Vol.  I.,  p.  26.'f. 

Vol.  II.  Index  to  the  Chandogya  Upanishad.     By 

Charles  Edgar  Lfptle,  1*h.I).    I'rice,  -fl. 
"The  plan  as  conceived  is  well  executed.'' — The 
Nation. 

Vol.    III.    Assyrian    and    Babylonian    Contracts 

(with  Aramaic  Keference  Notes).  Transcribed 
from  tlie  Originals  in  tlie  British  Mnsenm,  with 
Transliteration  and  Translation,  by  J.  H.  Steven- 
son.   Price,  $2.50. 

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British  Museum. 

"Dr.  Stevenson's  book  forms  a  most  useful  contri- 
bution to  the  study  of  Semitic  epigraphy." — Lu::ae's 
Oriental  List. 


TiiK  ^^\^•I)I•:KI•.II,T  ()rui:xTAi>  Skries. 

^"oL.  IV.  Homeric  Life.     By  1*101".  10dm ind  Weis- 
SENBOKX.     Translated  by  (iIlisert  Camimuoll  Scoo 
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and  will  ])i'ove  a  valnable  help  to  every  student  of 

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Vol.  v.,  Mycenaean  Troy.  Based  on  Dorpfeld's 
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ScoGGix.    Price,  |1. 

'^Laymen  and  even  scholars  will  be  thankful  for 
this  concise  ]»resentation.  The  task  has  been  fairly 
and  successfully  performed." — Prof.  Rufus  B.  Rich- 
ardson, in  the  Independent. 

"A  satisfactory  description  of  the  results  of  Drs. 
Schliemann  and  Dorpfeld's  excavations.'' — Classical 
Review,  England. 

Vol.  VI.  Ancient  Persian  Lexicon.  With  texts  of 
the  Achaemenidan  Inscriptions  Transliterated 
and  Translated  with  special  reference  to  their  re- 
cent reexamination,  bv  H.  C.  Tolman.  Price, 
11.25. 

"Prof.  Herbert  C.  Tolman,  the  leadinj?  American 
authority  on, Old  I'ersian,  has  issued  in  his  Ancient 
Persian  Lexicon  and  Texts  what  must  be  regarded 
for  many  years  to  come  as  the  best  edition  thus  far 
made.  .  .  .  The  volume  is  adapted  equally  to 
the  most  advanced  specialists  in  Old  Persian  and  to 
the  beginner.  .  .  .  The  lexicon  is  equally  ad- 
mirable. Every  form  of  each  word  is  given,  togeth- 
er with  copious  etymological  equivalents,  not  only 
in  Avesta,  Sanskrit,  etc.,  but  also  in  such  modern 
languages  as  Afghan,  Baluchi,  ami  the  Persian  dia- 
lects. The  author  is  in  complete  control  of  the  lit- 
erature of  his  subject,  to  which  he  gives  full  refer- 


TriK  Vaxderi'.ilt  Oriental  Series. 

euces;  aiul  it  is  especially  gratifyiuj;-  to  note  that  be 
has  directed  i)articn]ar  attention  to  tlie  lexicojirapli- 
ical  liglit  tlirowu  ni)on  the  Ohl  ]*ersiau  vocabnhiry 
by  tlie  marvelous  maimscript  discoveries  of  the 
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stan." — Dr.  Louis  H.  Gray,  in  the  Nation. 

'The  boolv  under  consideration  presents  in  com- 
pact form  a  most  valuable  summary  of  nearly  all 
accessible  data  on  tlie  Old  Persian  inscri})tioiis,  a 
theme  to  which  Professor  Tolman  lias  devoted  him- 
self for  many  years  and  in  which  he  must  be  regard- 
ed as  the  leading  American  authority.  .  .  .  The 
texts  are  admirably  transliterated.  .  .  .  The 
translation  is  equally  careful.  The  cruces  are  treat- 
ed with  the  utmost  care,  and  the  few  lacuntip  which 
can  reasonably  be  supplied  are  filled  with  plausible 
conjectures." — American  Journal  of  Philolor/i/. 

".  .  .  Die  neuere  Literatur  .  .  .  sind  sorg- 
fiiltig  benutzt." — Zciti^chrift  drr  Deiitschen  Morgen- 
Idndlschen  Gesellschaft. 

"Eine  verdienstliche  Neubearbeitung  der  alt])er- 
sischen  Inschriften." — Prof.  E.  Kulin,  University  of 
Munich. 

"Das  Lexikon  ist  eine  sehr  nutzliche  Uebersicht 
fiber  den  gegenwartigen  Stand  der  Interpretation." 
— Prof.  A.  Thmnh,  University  of  Marhurg. 

"Es  bedeutet  .  .  .  einen  wesentlicheii  Fort- 
schritt." — W.  Geiger,  in  Literarisches  Centralhlatt. 

"Son  lexique,  qui  doiine  I'etat  present  de  I'inter- 
])r^ta1ion,  rendra  service." — Professor  MeHlet,  in 
J  o  u  ma  I  A  s  ia  t  iqu  e. 

".  .  .  r^sso  mei-ita  le  migliori  accoglienze  da 
parte  dei  linguisti  e  sara  certamente  con^iiltato  con 
vantaggio  aiiclie  dagli  studiosi  delle  antichitri  ori- 
entali." — Ciardi-Duprv,  in  Giornale  deJla  ^^ocicta 
Asiatica  Italiana. 


Tnr;  A'AXDKur.ii.T  Ouikxtal  Skuiks. 

'^JjAncient  Persian  Lexicon  est  Ic  scul  lexiqne 
qui  fournisse  line  discussion  coniitlMc  <lu  sens  dcs 
mots  perses  avec  renvoi  mix  puhlicntions  iuiteri- 
eures." — A.  MciUct,  in  (Iraninidirc  (In  Mm.r  P(i:sc. 

Vol.  VII.  Cuneiform  Supplement,  to  the  anilioi's 
Ancient  reisian  Lexicon  and  Texts,  with  brief 
Ilistorical  Synoi»sis  of  the  I.an<ina<:ce,  by  H.  C 
ToLMAx.  Index  A'erboruni,  by  l'>nwix  Lee  John- 
son. Price,  .fL25. 
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man  wir<l  dadni'ch  wesentlich  iiber  friihere  Publika- 

tionen  hinansoefiUirt." — Prof.  J.  Warkernagrl,  Uni- 

versitij  of  Goiiingen. 

"L^n  riassunto  della  fonologi^  e  morfologia  j)ersi- 

ana  antica  altrettanto  limpido  qnanto  conciso,  con 

opportuni   richiami  alle  lingne  affini." — Ciardi-Dn- 

prc,  in  GiornaJc  della  Societa  A.siatica  Italiana. 
"The  brief  synoi)sis  of  the  language  is  most  clear 

and     concise." — Prof.     ir.     Caland,    University    of 

Utrecht. 

"L'edition  des  textes  sous  la  forme  de  leur  alphabet 

original    sera    tr^s    utile." — Professor    Meillct,    in 

Journal  Asiatiqne. 

Vol.  VTTT.  Historical  Grammar  of  the  Ancient 
Persian  Language.  By  Kdwix  Lee  Johxsox\, 
Ph.D.    Price,  |2.    Jnst  issued. 


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